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 Guerre contre le Terrorisme dans le Maghreb

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MessageSujet: Re: Guerre contre le Terrorisme dans le Maghreb   Ven 20 Nov 2015 - 14:27

Merci youssef. 6 jours d'interrogatoires c'est pas le monde des bisounours avec les notres. Il a du tout dire Smile

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MessageSujet: Re: Guerre contre le Terrorisme dans le Maghreb   Ven 18 Déc 2015 - 14:58

Citation :
EXCLUSIF. COMMENT LE MAROC A DÉJOUÉ SUR SON TERRITOIRE UN REMAKE DES ATTENTATS DE PARIS

Les neuf membres de la cellule terroriste démantelée vendredi dernier voulaient reproduire le même scénario des attentats de Paris dans plusieurs villes du Maroc. Ils attendaient le Nouvel An pour passer à l’acte. Révélations.

Le Maroc a échappé à une série d’attentats programmés dans plusieurs villes pendant les fêtes du Nouvel An. Les neuf membres de la cellule terroriste, démantelée vendredi dernier, projetaient de perpétrer des actes terroristes à Tanger, Fès, Béni Mellal, Kénitra et Nador, suivant le même modus operandi que les auteurs des attentats du 13 novembre à Paris. Parmi les personnes interpellées, deux d’entre elles, respectivement M.L. et A. M., ont des frères qui combattent pour Daech à Raqqa en Syrie.

«Ces derniers étaient non seulement au courant des attentats qui se préparaient au Maroc, mais s’apprêtaient, avec la bénédiction de Al Baghdadi, à envoyer de Syrie un artificier daechien pour confectionner au Maroc des ceintures explosives», apprend le360 d’une source proche du dossier.

Autre révélation importante, le pistolet et le révolver saisis lors de l’arrestation des neuf membres de la cellule terroriste par les éléments du BCIJ provenaient de Belgique. Un autre lot d’armes, également en provenance de Belgique, était attendu par les membres de la cellule démantelée.

Un plan diabolique

Quelles sont les cibles des membres de cette cellule ? Les endroits à grande affluence. Les boîtes de nuit ainsi que les lieux publics à Tanger et à Fès. Les ceintures explosives devaient être «impitoyablement efficaces» dans des espaces clos comme les boîtes de nuit à succès dans la ville du Détroit.

A Kénitra, cette cellule visait les agences de transferts de fonds, ainsi que les éléments des services de sécurités (policiers, gendarmes…), en vue de les déposséder de leurs armes. Pour les autres villes, des kidnappings de notables étaient préparés à Kasbat Tadla pour demander des rançons et pouvoir disposer des ressources financières nécessaires pour assurer la logistique de leurs funestes projets.

Loin des grandes villes

Les neuf membres de la cellule démantelée ont opté pour des villes loin des grands centres pour les fêtes du Nouvel an comme Casablanca, Rabat, Marrakech ou Agadir. Ils espéraient ainsi faire face à un dispositif sécuritaire léger et échapper à la vigilance des services de sécurité et de renseignement. Des calculs qui se sont révélés faux puisque le démantèlement de cette cellule atteste encore une fois que les services de sécurité sont aux aguets sur tout le territoire. Un dispositif sans faille jusque-là et fort heureusement.

Rappelons que lors de l’arrestation des neuf membres de la cellule terroriste, les unités au sol du BCIJ ont bénéficié d’une couverture aérienne de la Gendarmerie royale qui a déployé des hélicoptères dans la région de Béni Mellal.

Par Mohammed Boudarham


http://www.le360.ma/fr/societe/exclusif-comment-le-maroc-a-dejoue-sur-son-territoire-un-remake-des-attentats-de-paris-59786

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MessageSujet: Re: Guerre contre le Terrorisme dans le Maghreb   Ven 18 Déc 2015 - 21:26

lemag a écrit:
Libye – Les terroristes menacent le Maghreb avec du gaz Sarin


Londres : C’est l’ancien ponte du régime de Mouammar Kadhafi, le Colonel Ahmed Gaddaf addam, qui en a fait la révélation.

Les groupes ‘terroristes’ en Libye, daech et les autres factions, auraient réussi à mettre la main sur un stock d’armes chimiques, ultra-dangereuses, dans un entrepôt de l’ancienne armée de Kadhafi, situé dans le sud de la Libye.

Selon le Colonel Ahmed Gaddaf Addam, cousin et ancien très proche collaborateur de Mouammar Kadhafi, ses armes chimiques seraient composées de la très dangereuse substance volatile, le gaz Sarin.

Gaddaf Addam, interviewé par le quotidien londonien saoudien, Ashark Al-awsat, a indiqué que les groupes terroristes ont commencé à acheminer les stocks de ces armes chimiques vers les villes libyennes du nord, y compris vers Tripoli et qu’à partir de ces villes, ils pourraient opérer des attaques chimiques contre les cibles qu’ils désigneraient, en Libye, au Maghreb et même en Europe.

En fin, l’ancien ponte du l’ancien régime libyen a allégué que c'est pour cette raison que les pays occidentaux mettent fortes pressions pour la passation de l’accord de Skhirate au Maroc, pour la formation d'un gouvernement d'union nationale en Libye.

#ليبيا | قذاف الدم: متطرفو ليبيا استولوا على غاز السارين.. والغرب غض الطرف . https://t.co/H6nGpqYCtR
— صحيفة الشرق الأوسط (@aawsat_News) 17 Décembre 2015
A noter que le gaz Sarin est une substance inodore, incolore et volatile, de la famille des organophosphorés, un neurotoxique pour l'homme et l'animal. Même à très faible dose (10 parties par milliard) il peut être fatal.

On estime qu'il est environ 500 fois plus toxique que le cyanure. Il passe facilement la barrière des poumons et est absorbé par la peau d'où il passe directement dans le sang. Quand il ne tue pas, il laisse de graves séquelles neurologiques. Il a été utilisé comme arme chimique, avant d'être considéré comme une arme de destruction massive par les Nations unies (résolution 687). À ce titre, sa production et sa conservation sont interdites depuis 1993.
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MessageSujet: Re: Guerre contre le Terrorisme dans le Maghreb   Dim 27 Mar 2016 - 20:29


Citation :
La Chambre chargée des affaires de terrorisme à la Cour d'appel de Salé a prononcé, vendredi, des verdicts allant de l'acquittement à six ans de prison ferme à l'encontre de trois accusés, dont deux ressortissants turcs.

http://www.h24info.ma/maroc/un-ressortissant-turc-condamne-6-ans-de-prison-pour-terrorisme-au-maroc/41735

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MessageSujet: Re: Guerre contre le Terrorisme dans le Maghreb   Sam 9 Avr 2016 - 19:02

KEEP CALM JUBA
http://www.yawatani.com/index.php/societe/11282-un-titre-choc-du-magazine-americain-foreign-policy-sur-le-maroc a écrit:

Un titre choc du magazine américain ‘Foreign Policy’ sur le Maroc

New York : Le magazine américain a accusé le Maroc d’être ‘’au cœur du terrorisme mondial’’ et a comparé le nord du royaume à la région de Helmand en Afghanistan.

En effet, par un titre choc et calomniant, le bimestriel ultra conservateur américain, ‘Foreign Policy’ a attaqué le Maroc et sa région nord du Rif, en lui collant la grave accusation d’être ‘’au cœur du terrorisme mondial’.

Dans un article, signé par une collaboratrice de la chaîne française, France 24, la journaliste leela jacinto, Foreign Policy a titré ‘Morocco’s Outlaw Country Is the Heartland of Global Terrorism’ (traduction libre : Le Maroc – Pays hors la loi, au cœur du terrorisme mondial).

Dans son écrit stigmatisant tout un pays et la population de toute une région, celle du Rif, le magazine américain a indiqué qu’il faille chercher les causes des attentats terroristes qui ont frappé ‘‘les capitales occidentales’’, au nord du Maroc. Les accusés sont les rifains.

Dissimulant la faillite du système social européen qui a raté l’intégration d’une jeunesse européenne, quoiqu’issue de l’immigration, Foreign Policy, a choisi de faire porter le chapeau de ce phénomène terroriste purement européen, au Maroc, le pays des arrière-grands-parents de ces jeunes européens.

Pire encore, le magazine américain a poussé la caricature au point d’aller comparer la région nord du royaume, le Rif, à la région de Helmand en Afghanistan.

Cette province afghane, contrôlée par les talibans et par les mafias de l’opium et où l’Otan mène des opérations militaires, ressemblerait au Rif, a écrit Foreign Policy.

""The northern Rif mountains have been home to hash-peddlers, smugglers, and outlaws for centuries. Now they’re a breeding ground for Europe’s jihadi terrorists.""

Et les rifains, selon lui, sont une population aussi autarcique et religieusement radicalisée que le sont les talibans. Et sont des bandits depuis des siècles et autant anti-monarchiques que sont les talibans anti-Etat Afghan.

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MessageSujet: Re: Guerre contre le Terrorisme dans le Maghreb   Ven 13 Mai 2016 - 23:43

http://www.medias24.com/MAROC/NATION/163886-Tanger-le-terroriste-venait-de-Ndjamena.html

Citation :

Tanger: le terroriste venait de Ndjaména


Un déploiement sans précédent des forces spéciales du BCIJ a permis l’arrestation ce vendredi matin à Tanger d’un ressortissant tchadien qui planifiait des attentats.

Agé de 33 ans, Yabou Dbaye a été arrêté un peu avant 10 heures ce vendredi matin 13 mai au café Schengen qui se trouve sur la corniche de Tanger à quelques mètres des restaurants KFC et McDonald’s et du café Kandinsky.

La zone résidentielle et touristique est très fréquentée à toute heure du jour et de la nuit. Elle abrite de nombreux cafés et restaurants, des hôtels et des résidences touristiques. A quelques dizaines ou centaines de mètres de là se trouvent les hôtels Royal Tulip, César, Ramada et Ibis notamment.L

LIRE EGALEMENT: Le Maroc a échappé à un nouveau "16-mai"

Signe peut-être que la BCIJ préparait une opération d’envergure, les agents de sécurité des hôtels environnants avaient pour consigne depuis quelques jours de noter les numéros des plaques minéralogiques de tous les véhicules qui stationnent à proximité des établissements hôteliers.

Au cœur de Tanger

La BCIJ a déployé une centaine d’hommes fortement armés et aux visages revêtus de cagoules vers 10 heures du matin avant que des éléments lourdement armés ne s’engouffrent dans le café Schengen et ressortent quelques minutes plus tard avec l’homme recherché.

Celui-ci était habillé en costume-cravate et sa tête était cachée sous une cagoule à la vue des passants et des objectifs des photographes et des caméras. Selon l’Intérieur, l’homme préparait une série d’attentats contre des sites touristiques et des missions diplomatiques étrangères.

La circulation sur l’artère principale a été interrompue pendant quelques minutes et des dizaines de badauds ont assisté à la sortie du terroriste présumé du café Schengen accompagné des hommes en noir.

Yabou Dbaye serait arrivé à l’aéroport de Casablanca en provenance du Tchad le 4 mai dernier selon le communiqué du ministère de l’Intérieur.

Cette information indique que Daech qui est implanté sur la côte libyenne et qui cherche à faire le lien avec les pays du Sahel et le nord du Nigéria, vise désormais le Maroc à partir de cette zone.

Des vidéos appelant à des attentats au Maroc ont été diffusées au cours de ces derniers jours par des militants terroristes affiliés à Daech. La Libye partage plus de 900 km de frontière terrestre avec le Tchad. Le sud-est du Tchad est par ailleurs frontalier avec le nord-ouest du Nigéria où Boko Haram est implanté.

Depuis plusieurs semaines, l’envoyé spécial des Nations Unies en Libye Martin Kopler souligne que «la lutte contre l’EI ne peut plus attendre».Dans un entretien au Monde du 21 avril dernier Kopler insistait : «Le processus politique avance à la vitesse de l’escargot, tandis que l’expansion de l’EI est bien plus rapide».

Depuis l’automne dernier, des attentats ont touché le Tchad, le Mali, le Burkina Faso et la Côte d’Ivoire tandis que le Sénégal et le Gabon resserrent leur coopération sécuritaire avec le Maroc. Français et Américains disposent de forces spéciales en Libye qui travaillent à la recherche d’alliés sur un terrain divisé entre de très nombreuses factions et dans un environnement où les armes foisonnent. La Tunisie de son côté construit une barrière de 200 km de long à sa frontière avec la Libye.
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MessageSujet: Re: Guerre contre le Terrorisme dans le Maghreb   Dim 5 Juin 2016 - 16:06

Roland Lombardi, consultant indépendant, associé au groupe d’analyse de JFC Conseil a écrit:
.....à l’inverse de ce que nous avons trop tendance à croire, les « gros poissons » du trafic de drogue et du grand banditisme ne font pas bon ménage avec les terroristes. Ainsi, pour démanteler les réseaux terroristes, l’aide de services de renseignement du Maghreb (marocains et algériens notamment) a sans doute était précieuse, mais il ne serait pas étonnant que des informations cruciales recueillies émanent de caïds (qui sont par ailleurs à des années lumières du salafisme) souhaitant simplement retrouver une certaine tranquillité dans leur quartier afin de protéger et assurer leur lucratif business

##Lien

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MessageSujet: Re: Guerre contre le Terrorisme dans le Maghreb   Jeu 20 Oct 2016 - 22:16

https://www.stratfor.com/weekly/moroccos-jihadist-paradox-unraveled

Citation :

Morocco's Jihadist Paradox, Unraveled

When tourists are involved, authorities in Morocco have seemed hesitant to describe attacks as acts of terrorism. On Oct. 5, for instance, Moroccan authorities were reluctant to label a knife attack in Casablanca as an act of terrorism, noting instead that the perpetrator, who injured three Dutch tourists and a police officer, was mentally disturbed. Similarly, authorities attributed a November 2015 knife attack on German tourists in Fez to the two assailants' drug use. But, as we've seen in past attacks, an attacker's mental health issues or criminal activities do not preclude support for extremist groups.

That Moroccan authorities would try to downplay any ideological motive in attacks on tourists is not surprising. Tourism there is an important industry, attracting some 10 million visitors each year. The country's leaders, aware of the devastating effects that jihadist attacks have had on tourism in Tunisia and Egypt, doubtless want to avoid casting the same pall over their own country. Despite their worries, however, Morocco faces a much lesser jihadist threat than do its neighbors in North Africa.
Morocco's Jihadists

With an estimated 1,200 to 1,500 fighters in Syria and Iraq, Morocco is one of the leading sources of foreign fighters for the Islamic State and other jihadist groups in the region. This is by no means a new phenomenon; Moroccans have left their country to fight jihad in conflicts as diverse as the wars in Afghanistan, Bosnia, Chechnya and Iraq. In the early 1990s, fighters returned from Afghanistan to found a jihadist group called the Moroccan Islamic Combatant Group, which strove to establish an Islamic polity in Morocco. Moroccans, moreover, have been involved in transnational jihadist groups such as al Qaeda since their inception. But the Moroccan contingent has consistently lacked the same level of tradecraft that jihadists from other countries have exhibited — though they often trained at the same camps. Consequently, its members have not risen to the upper ranks of these groups as Egyptian and Libyan jihadists have.

The so-called Sinjar records, a trove of personnel files that the U.S. military retrieved from an al Qaeda safe-house in northern Iraq, shed some light on this tendency. According to the records, Libya and Saudi Arabia supplied far more fighters than Morocco did, especially relative to their populations. Even so, Morocco was a leading country of origin for al Qaeda fighters in Iraq. In addition, of the nationalities represented in the Sinjar records, Moroccans were most likely to volunteer as suicide bombers, something that 91 percent of fighters from Morocco listed as their desired duty. This propensity for suicide bombing meant that fewer Moroccans survived to take the skills they acquired in Iraq back home.
A History of Lackluster Attacks

As a result, terrorist attacks in Morocco have long evinced a lack of competent planning or effective execution — even during al Qaeda's heyday. For instance, despite its scale, the group's May 2003 suicide bombing campaign in Casablanca claimed only 33 victims, although 14 bombers hit an array of soft targets in the city, including a restaurant, a hotel and a Jewish community center. In April 2007, Moroccan jihadists were ready to launch another suicide bombing wave in Casablanca, but authorities interrupted the plot. When police surrounded the building where four of the plotters were hiding on April 10, three of them blew themselves up, and a sniper killed the fourth. Two other suspects linked to the cell attempted an attack near the U.S. Consulate while on the run a few days later, but the only fatalities in the poorly executed operation were the bombers themselves. Even the deadlier attacks that have rocked Morocco — for example an April 2011 bombing in Marrakech that killed 17 people, most of them tourists — have been simple strikes on soft targets, not the larger, more sophisticated attacks seen elsewhere in the region.

Relative to other countries in the region, such as Tunisia, Algeria and Egypt — not to mention Libya and Mali, where jihadists have seized and controlled territory — militant attacks in Morocco are rare. Considering the volume of fighters that Morocco has contributed to the jihadist cause over so many decades, the dearth of spectacular terrorist assaults in the country may seem surprising. After all, the country suffers from the same economic and demographic problems that fuel jihadism in nearby countries. But Morocco for the most part has managed to suppress its jihadist threat.
What Sets Morocco Apart

One of the main factors helping to keep Morocco's jihadists in check is the competence of its security forces. The country's powerful intelligence agency, national police force, paramilitary police and Central Bureau of Judicial Investigations (Morocco's version of the FBI) work closely with their American and European counterparts, receive extensive training and are highly proficient. Moroccan intelligence has even helped to avert attacks elsewhere with the information it collects and shares. After the 2003 Casablanca bombings, an anti-terrorism law gave Moroccan security forces greater legal leeway to combat jihadism, and since then, authorities have been aggressive in pre-empting attacks and rounding up suspects. The legislation known as the Law to Combat Terror was strengthened in 2011, and in 2015, Morocco made it illegal for its citizens to attempt to travel to Syria or Iraq to join the Islamic State. Moroccan authorities have also developed sophisticated programs to help identify returning jihadists, monitor suspected returnees and counter the ideology of jihadism with theology. The programs have proved remarkably effective, especially when compared to the efforts of other countries in the region.

Because of Morocco's robust security environment, it is difficult for jihadist groups to establish operations in the country, despite the large number of militants who hail from within its borders. Even the Islamic State has struggled to deploy operatives in Morocco to conduct the kinds of attacks it carried out in Paris and Brussels. In fact, rather than attacking in Morocco as it has done elsewhere in the region, the Islamic State's affiliate in the Sahel region, led by Adnan Abu Walid Sahraoui, has merely issued an audio message calling for attacks there. Much like other jihadist groups' embrace of the leaderless resistance strategy, such a call is an admission of weakness by the Islamic State that indicates its inability to operate in Morocco.

These factors help explain why raids by security forces on suspected terrorist cells or grassroots attacks such as the Oct. 5 incident in Casablanca constitute the bulk of recent jihadist activity in Morocco. Barring some sort of dramatic political crisis that topples the Moroccan government and monarchy, this pattern will not change any time soon. Considering the country's economic and demographic challenges, the number of jihadists who have been radicalized there, and the waves of fighters returning from battle in Iraq and Syria, jihadism will remain a low-level threat in Morocco, as it will in European countries such as France and Belgium. But given the Islamic State's limited transnational terrorist tradecraft, the increasing pressure it is under and its ever-diminishing access to the outside world, the group will be hard-pressed to launch a spectacular terrorist attack in Morocco.
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MessageSujet: Re: Guerre contre le Terrorisme dans le Maghreb   Jeu 3 Nov 2016 - 18:48

https://medium.com/insurge-intelligence/intelligence-agencies-are-running-al-qaeda-camps-in-north-africa-un-consultant-exclusive-6e19eec5d834#.dsirqr4m5

Citation :

Intelligence agencies are running al-Qaeda camps in North Africa — UN consultant (EXCLUSIVE) – INSURGE intelligence

Nafeez Ahmed

By Nafeez Ahmed

This exclusive is published by INSURGE INTELLIGENCE, a crowdfunded investigative journalism project for the global commons. Support us to keep digging where others fear to tread

An unpublished report by a government advisor and UN consultant, obtained exclusively by INSURGE intelligence, accuses Western and Algerian security services of complicity in al-Qaeda terrorist activity across North Africa.

The academic report focuses on damning evidence that a devastating al-Qaeda terrorist attack on the Tigantourine gas plant near In Amenas, Algeria, was orchestrated by Algeria’s secret services, with the knowledge of US, French and British intelligence.

A draft copy of the report, due to be published later this month, has been seen exclusively by INSURGE intelligence.

Escalating instability in North Africa is being blamed on the re-emergence of an offshoot of al-Qaeda — al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM). Despite French military efforts, the group is re-consolidated in northern Mali, and has orchestrated terror strikes from Burkino Faso to the Ivory Coast.

Yet the new draft report by a UN consultant, prepared by the International State Crime Initiative (ISCI) at Queen Mary University of London, uncovers remarkable evidence that the Phoenix-like return of AQIM is thanks to the unwavering covert support the terror group receives from one of the West’s staunch allies in the ‘war on terror’: Algeria.
Terror ties

The as-yet unpublished report highlights evidence of such support from the In Amenas attack between 16 and 20 January 2013, which resulted in the deaths of 39 foreign nationals, including three Americans, six Britons, five Norwegians, and one French.

The Tigantourine gas plant is operated jointly by BP, Norway’s Statoil and the Algerian state-owned Sonatrach, producing 12% of Algeria’s natural gas.
Algeria’s In Amenas gas plant (Reuters)

The attack was the single largest terrorist killing of ‘Westerners’ since the London bombings of 7 July 2005.

The Queen Mary University of London report is authored by social anthropologist Jeremy Keenan, Visiting Professor at the Queen Mary University’s Law School.

Keenan, who has authored over 200 peer-reviewed scholarly articles and six books on the Sahara-Sahel region, is an advisor on regional security issues to NATO, the US State Department, the EU, the UN, the British Foreign Office, and international oil companies.

The report reveals startling evidence that the attack was secretly organised by the DRS, Algeria’s notorious secret intelligence service. The idea was to convince Algeria’s Western allies to continue supporting the regime’s domestic and regional counter-terrorism programmes, amidst growing international scepticism about their success.

Algeria’s DRS maintained intimate ties with the terrorists behind the In Amenas attack, many of whom have been longstanding agents of the Algerian security services, the report says.

US, British and French intelligence services are aware of these connections, but are covering them up to protect their considerable oil and gas interests in the country.

Among the report’s most alarming revelations is that over the last decade, Algeria’s DRS has run a secret al-Qaeda training camp in the Tamouret region, with the knowledge of Western government security agencies.
Al-Qaeda camp — run by Algeria’s secret state

Over several years, Prof Keenan obtained direct eyewitness evidence from locals about the secret al-Qaeda camp in Tamouret, including from an AQIM member who trained there.

Its purpose is to recruit, indoctrinate and train marginalised youth from across North Africa into committing atrocities in Algerian communities — after which they would usually be executed.
Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) fighters in a propaganda video filmed in the Sahara (Wikipedia Commons)

According to Keenan’s eyewitness sources, the camp was visited almost daily “by high-ranking army and DRS officers… including General Rachid ‘Attafi’ Lallali, the head of the DRS’ External Security Directorate (DDSE).”

The camp was also directly supplied with arms and ammunition from Algerian army depots.

Detailed information on the identities of camp recruits, including DNA data, was routinely shared with Western intelligence agencies according to sources familiar with the camp.

Trainee terrorists at Tamouret were schooled in sniping and throat-slitting. The camp was provided with a continual supply of prisoners — mostly criminals and dissenting soldiers — purely for the purpose of being killed during training.

Over a seven month period, one eyewitness said, about 180 murders had taken place at the camp during such routine practice sessions.
In Amenas — a DRS operation

Keenan’s report for the International State Crime Initiative points to disturbing evidence of Algerian intelligence services’ direct sponsorship of al-Qaeda terror.

On 27 August 2015, senior DRS commander General “Hassan” Abdelkader Aït Ouarabi was arrested by Algerian authorities. The arrest was based on allegations from three terrorists captured at the In Amenas gas facility, who claimed they had received arms from General Hassan.

On the same day as Gen Hassan’s arrest, the US Director of National Intelligence (DNI), James Clapper, flew into Algiers for high-level government meetings.

The FBI had also been given access to the three terrorists making these allegations before July 2013.

Corroborating this information, the report refers to the testimony of former DRS captain, H. Haroune, and a former captain and instructor in the Special Forces under DRS command at the time, A. Chouchan. The two former DRS operatives have claimed that “General Mediène [then DRS chief] ordered the attack on In Amenas (presumably planned to be a hostage-taking mission that the army would resolve as it did at Gharis in 2003).”
Hostages raise their hands during the al-Qaeda attack on the In Amenas gas plant in January 2013 (Reuters)
What did BP know?

Astonishingly, the report reveals that before the attack, BP and Statoil had a three year contract with a transport services company, BAAT SARL, owned by Mohamed Ghadir, the brother of al-Qaeda terrorist Abdelhamid Abou Zaïd — the head of AQIM in the Sahara, and chief of the DRS-run AQIM training camp at Tamouret.

At the London inquest last year, BP was never questioned about this contract, despite it involving a company tied to the very al-Qaeda group that attacked the gas plant.

In the years preceding the attack, Keenan himself — in his capacity as a security consultant — repeatedly warned BP that the facility would be attacked by Islamist terrorists with the covert support of the Algerian government.

Keenan suggests that BP’s inexplicable lack of concern about the matter was because the firm had been given security assurances from Algerian or Western authorities that AQIM would not attack the plant.

BP did not respond to request for comment.

Gary Rose, an emergency response advisor who worked at the In Amenas facility, said that BP’s onsite security “was incredibly poor and relied totally on the untested and unknown capabilities of the Algerian military.” Rose narrowly avoided the attack having left the site two days earlier.

Rose, who gave evidence at the London Inquest, was especially damning about BP’s approach. The firm “did nowhere near enough to protect the facility, even with the most basic and credible scenarios in their own emergency response plans…

“The risk assessment process was flawed, inadequate and done from a view of process safety not human safety. Physical security was constantly breached by the local staff and was out of direct expatriate control, the physical barriers and warning/protection systems were wholly inadequate. I know exactly what systems we did and did not have, and management on site were aware of all the failings too. After the fall of Libya there should have been a massive review of security, but instead we handed over more control to poorly trained Algerian security guards. We were all aware of bandits and arms trafficking in the desert regions but were just relying on the Algerian military to manage this, maybe by force or maybe by negotiation?”

According to Rose, the most appropriate way of dealing with the risk would have required abandoning the site to conduct a full review and reinforcement.

But shutting down and abandoning the facility, or any other such facilities, “was never an option due to the huge amount of revenue and European reliance on external hydrocarbons: it’s economy over safety and that’s how the petroleum industry works.”
Complicity in Algeria’s reign of terror

The draft report by Queen Mary University’s ISCI refers to recent revelations from Habib Souaïdia, a former Algerian army officer.

According to Souaïdia:

“… he had been informed by many of his former colleagues [in the Algerian Special Forces] that the leaders of some of the jihadist groups sowing terror in Tunisia ‘take their orders from Algiers.’”

In 2015, Tunisia experienced two major terrorist attacks, in which a total of 61 civilians were killed by gunmen with ties to Algeria.

Souaïdia reported that mobile phones and SIM cards of AQIM jihadists killed in Tunisia’s Mount Chaambi border area, obtained by the Tunisian army, “revealed their communications with DRS officials in Algiers, including their phone numbers and even their nicknames.”

In late 2013, the information about the SIM cards was handed over to US intelligence, which demanded Algeria’s army chiefs put a stop to the support for jihadists in Tunisia. But, Keenan says, a related US concern was to prevent information on the DRS’ dealings with terrorists falling into the public domain:

“The reason for that was because US intelligences services and the DRS had been working together as close allies in the so-called war on terror since 2002 and would inevitably, and quite correctly, be seen as having been complicit in whatever ‘false-flag’ and other such questionable operations had been conducted by the DRS since 2002.”

The AQIM-backed insurgency in Mali was also being supported by Algeria’s intelligence services. A Nigerian military officer told Keenan that AQIM forces in Mali were being supplied food and fuel by the DRS.

Throughout the DRS’ sponsorship of regional al-Qaeda terrorist activity, the US, Britain and France have worked closely with the very same DRS on regional ‘counter-terrorism’ — despite being privy to damning intelligence on Algeria’s double-game.
Algerian soldiers
The Clinton files

Direct confirmation of high-level US knowledge of the Algerian regime’s relationship with the terrorists behind the In Amenas attack came from emails leaked from Hillary Clinton’s private server, published by Wikileaks in March 2016.

An email dated 17 January 2013 to Clinton from her aide Sidney Blumenthal, noted that the alleged leader of the In Amenas attack, AQIM terrorist Mokhtar Belmokhtar [MBM], had a secret agreement with Algerian intelligence. Under the agreement, Belmokhtar would pursue al-Qaeda destabilisation operations in Mali and the Western Sahara:

“According to sources with access to the Algerian DGSE [the DRS], the Bouteflika government reached a highly secret understanding with Belmokhtar after the kidnapping in April 2012 of the Algerian consul in Gao (Mali). Under this agreement Belmokhtar concentrated his operations in Mali, and occasionally, with the encouragement of the Algerian DGSE, attack Moroccan interests in Western Sahara, where the Algerians have territorial claims.”

Mokhtar Belmokhtar was also, according to Keenan’s eyewitness sources, in charge of logistics for the al-Qaeda training camp in Tamouret, which he visited every two weeks.
Hillary Clinton

A further email dated 19 January 2013 from Blumenthal to Clinton reported that French intelligence had learnt from a source “with access to the highest levels of the Algerian army” that:

“… officers of the Algerian DGSE [DRS] are looking to secretly meet Belmokhtar or one of his lieutenants in northern Mauritania in the immediate future. They have been ordered to find out why Belmokhtar violated their two-year-old secret agreement and launched attacks inside Algeria.”

There is no evidence that such a meeting actually took place, suggesting that the DRS was not really interested in finding the answer.

In any case, Clinton forwarded Blumenthal’s email to Robert Russo, her assistant in the US Department of State — which means the US government was aware of the agreement between AQIM’s Belmokhtar and Algerian intelligence.

Keenan points out that these emails must be placed in context with the evidence that the DRS itself had sponsored the In Amenas attack in the first place:

“We therefore had a situation in which the presidency, the army high command and, most likely, western oil companies, knew there was a secret agreement with MBM not to attack installations within Algeria. The DRS, which would have been the agency that made the deal with MBM, would have assured the presidency and army command that such an agreement had been made. What neither the presidency, army nor foreign oil companies knew, although they may have suspected, was that they had effectively been double-crossed by the DRS.”

In either case, it seems that the State Department was aware that Algerian intelligence was sponsoring Islamist terror across North Africa.

When asked what the State Department did with the information it had received via Hillary Clinton, a spokesperson, Pooja Jhunjhunwala said:

“As a matter of policy, the Department of State does not comment on materials, including classified documents, which may have been leaked.”

However, when asked about the State Department’s position on public record evidence of Algerian intelligence support to jihadists supplied by Prof Keenan — who has previously consulted on regional security issues for the State Department — she simply declined to comment.
Cover-up?

Much of this information was passed on by Keenan to the London Inquest into the attack on the Tigantourine gas plant. Yet the Inquest, which delivered its verdict in February 2015, excluded this evidence from the proceedings. Keenan himself was blocked from giving evidence at the Inquest.

The Addendum to the Queen Mary University report includes the full text of a letter dated 30 April 2015 sent by Prof Keenan to Detective Constable William Wixey of the SO15 Counter Terrorism Command, summarising his available evidence.

Keenan’s letter offered to provide access to multiple witnesses, two of whom would be non-Algerian citizens, who would expose the leader of the In Amenas attack as an “agent” of Algeria’s secret intelligence service.

On 13 May, DC Wixey replied to Keenan’s letter to explain that the Coroner’s office was “of the view that they do not wish to take this matter further at this stage.”

The Metropolitan Police failed to respond to a request for comment on the decision to block Keenan’s evidence from the Inquest.

In addition to blocking Keenan’s evidence, the British government used Public Interest Immunity — the withdrawal of information on grounds of ‘national security’ — to suppress the disclosure of key documents at the Inquest on what the government knew, and when.

The use of Public Interest Immunity was “very suspicious,” London Inquest witness Gary Rose said:

“Now we are not able to know what is being withheld and there is little that can be done about that.”

In his report for Queen Mary University, Prof Keenan concludes that the government had sought not only to cover up “its own incompetency with regard to the FCO”, but also to avoid questions about the government’s “possible complicity in [Algerian] state crimes.”

The government’s goal was to withhold any information alluding to British intelligence collusion with the DRS, including evidence that MI6 had been “complicit in activity that could be construed as criminal.”

In the absence of a further inquiry, there seems little prospect that the questions Keenan raises will be answered by officialdom. Yet his forthcoming report goes some way toward uncovering the real reasons that the threat of terrorism is escalating in North Africa.
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MessageSujet: Re: Guerre contre le Terrorisme dans le Maghreb   Jeu 24 Nov 2016 - 16:14

Newsweek a écrit:

ISIS EXPANDS INTO THE SAHEL, AFRICA’S MIGRATION HUB


Standing in front of tens of fighters clad in headscarves and sunglasses and carrying AK-47s in an unknown location, Adnan Abu Walid al-Sahrawi reads in Arabic from a scrap of paper in a video posted online in late October. After more than a minute of Sahrawi talking, the video cuts to a shot of multiple gloved hands held in the middle of a circle in a gesture of solidarity. The speaker recites a pledge of allegiance to Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, the purported leader of the Islamic State militant group (ISIS), who is described in Arabic as “Commander of the Faithful” and the “Caliph of the Muslims.” The others respond in an affirmative chorus, offering Baghdadi their service and loyalty.

The location of the video is unknown, but based on Sahrawi’s previous movements, it is likely to have been shot in Mali or Burkina Faso, two countries in Africa’s Sahel region: a vast arid belt stretching from across the continent from Senegal in the west to Eritrea in the east.

While the video was not particularly remarkable, what was more surprising is what came after. On October 30, ISIS’s semi-official media channel, Amaq, posted a statement online, saying that it had received a pledge of allegiance from “Katibat al-Mourabitoun” under Sahrawi’s leadership. The acknowledgement makes Sahrawi’s the first recognized ISIS splinter group in the Sahel, a region awash with al-Qaeda affiliates and a key transit point for migrants dreaming of reaching Europe—conditions that could make the region an ideal recruiting ground for ISIS.

Sahrawi has been a major player in the region’s recent violent history. He was born in Algeria according to jihadi policy group the Counter Extremism Project, though his surname suggests ties to Western Sahara —a contested region inhabited by the Sahrawi people, which is at the center of a wrangle between Morocco and the indigenous, Algerian-backed Polisario Front.

He has had stints in multiple jihadi groups in the Sahel region. When the conflict in northern Mali broke out in 2012 —in which a multiplicity of Islamist and ethnic Tuareg groups seized power of the country’s vast northern region—Sahrawi was thought to occupy a prominent role in the Movement for Oneness and Jihad in West Africa (known by its French acronym, MUJAO), a splinter of al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM).

Following French intervention in Mali in 2013, which routed the Islamists and restored nominal government control throughout the country, MUJAO reportedly merged with the Masked Men Brigade, another AQIM-linked group led by veteran Algerian jihadi Mokhtar Belmokhtar. The resultant group was known as Al-Mourabitoun, or ‘The Sentinels’.

Sahrawi’s defining moment came in May 2015. In an audio message released to Mauritanian news site Al-Akhbar, Sahrawi called on “all jihadi groups” to give their allegiance to Baghdadi, in order to “unite the voice of the Muslims” and “defend against the enemies of Islam.” Coming from such a senior figure, the statement was interpreted as a pledge of Al-Mourabitoun’s affiliation to ISIS. This was affirmed in a second audio message released days later, in which Sahrawi declared he was the “emir” or leader of Al-Mourabitoun; that the group had no ties to AQIM; and that he had decided to pledge allegiance to ISIS based on “various religious recommendations.”

The pledge provoked an angry response from Belmokhtar, who issued a statement saying that Sahrawi’s pledge was invalid since it had not been approved by the group’s shura council—its decision-making body—and reaffirming his allegiance to al-Qaeda’s global leader, Ayman al-Zawahiri. Belmokhtar’s Al-Mourabitoun reportedly clashed with Sahrawi’s group—which called itself the Islamic State in Greater Sahara (ISGS)—and planned the assassination of its leader, according to the Long War Journal.

Following the dispute, Sahrawi went quiet for more than a year. Presumably, he and his followers separated from the wider Al-Mourabitoun group and formed their own militia, but without any recognition from ISIS’s headquarters in Syria. It wasn’t until September that ISGS claimed its first attack : an assault on the Markoye customs post in Burkina Faso, close to the borders with both Mali and Niger, that left one customs official and one civilian dead. The group has since been linked with at least two further attacks: one in northern Burkina Faso, near the Malian border, in which three soldiers were killed overnight on October 12; and an attempted jailbreak on October 17 at the Koutoukalé prison in southwestern Niger, a high-security facility thought to hold militants from Nigerian militant group Boko Haram and AQIM, which was repelled by security forces.

Sahrawi’s official acceptance from ISIS means that all future attacks perpetrated will be linked to the group based in Syria and Iraq, according to Ryan Cummings, director of African security analysts Signal Risk. “Attacks orchestrated by Sahrawi will be claimed by ISIS via Amaq as an extension of the group’s operations in the Sahara,” he says.

But Cummings notes that ISIS has not gone so far as to declare a wilayat —or province—in the Sahel, as they have done, for example, in Nigeria, following Boko Haram’s pledge of allegiance to Baghdadi in 2015.

The reluctance to declare an official ISIS province in the Sahara is probably attributable, at least in part, to al-Qaeda’s near-total dominance of the jihadi scene across the Sahel region, and indeed most of sub-Saharan Africa. While ISIS fighters have threatened to breach the Sahel from Libya and Boko Haram have perpetrated attacks in Niger, al-Qaeda is unquestionably the foremost jihadi franchize in sub-Saharan Africa. It has had an official branch in the Sahel since 2006, when the then Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat—an offshoot of a militant Islamist group formed in the early 1990s that was involved in Algeria’s civil war—pledged its allegiance to al-Qaeda, later rebranding itself as AQIM. It ranks include battle-hardened jihadis trained in Afghanistan, alongside former al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden, and the group has governing experience in northern Mali, having held substantial territory in the country for several months before the French counter-insurgency.

That legacy means it will be difficult for ISGS to displace AQIM in the region, says Andrew Lebovich, visiting fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations. “Sahrawi has his own networks and his own people, but it’s not an easy area to operate in. AQIM has spent many years recruiting locally, marrying into prominent families and establishing its own networks, loyalties and support structures,” he says. “It is by no means uncontested terrain.”

A potentially big lure for ISIS in the Sahel region is its status as one of Africa’s main migration hubs. Niger, in particular, has become a transit point for West African migrants, a large proportion of whom are heading towards Libya and attempting to cross the Mediterranean into Europe via Italy. Between February and September, the International Organization of Migration (IOM) has recorded at least 270,000 migrants passing through Séguedine, a passing point for migrants en route to Libya through Niger.

The United Nations’ Special Envoy for the Sahel, Hiroute Guebre Sellassie, warned in November 2015 that up to 41 million young people in the region were at risk of radicalization or forced migration due to a lack of educational and economic opportunities.

The head of the IOM’s Niger operation, Giuseppe Loprete, says that migrants passing through the country are “definitely vulnerable” to the influence of extremist groups. “They have nothing, they transit in areas that are very dangerous,” says Loprete. He adds that attacks on Niger’s border with Mali are now taking place “almost every day” and that militants can easily move between countries in the region. “Borders are porous, everybody can come in and out, just by going around the border control without being checked or anything. It’s easy for [the militants], they know the area very well,” he says.

For now, the focus for ISGS will be on gathering resources and followers. Cummings speculates that the group will have to establish a routine pattern of attacks in a specific area for ISIS to consider declaring a wilayat in the region: he highlights the Oudalan province in northern Burkina Faso, bordering both Mali and Niger and where the group’s activities seem to be concentrated, as an at-risk area.

Lebovich doesn’t rule out the possibility of large-scale attacks by the group in the future, as it seeks to establish itself as a player alongside AQIM. The latter has been linked to three major attacks in the past year: the November 2015 assault on the Radisson Blu hotel in Mali ; the attack on a cafe and hotel in Burkina Faso’s capital, Ouagadougou, in January; and the siege of a beach resort in Ivory Coast in March. It wouldn’t be outside the realms of possibility, once ISGS has recruited more fighters, for it to seek to compete in such attacks.

“These groups have tended to mix different kinds of attacks in order to create space to operate, generate income and maintain their style of operations,” says Lebovich, “Anything is possible.”

#Link

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MessageSujet: Re: Guerre contre le Terrorisme dans le Maghreb   Ven 25 Nov 2016 - 21:07

Citation :

Trois principes clés de Daesh battus en brèche par les oulémas du Maroc


25 novembre 2016 à 19h49

25 novembre 2016 à 19h49
Par Nadia Lamlili
@nadialamlili

La Rabita Mohammadia des oulémas du Maroc, un think thank religieux placée sous la tutelle du roi du Maroc, a rendu publique mardi 22 novembre une série de travaux académiques qui déconstruisent le discours de Daesh sur le califat et "l’État islamique".

Pour la première fois, des théologiens arabes battent en brèche les bases coraniques que les prêcheurs de la haine utilisent pour semer la terreur dans le monde. Sept cahiers scientifiques ont été publiés, mardi 22 novembre, sur le site web de la Rabita. Un travail extrêmement fourni, riche en références religieuses et dont Jeune Afrique a récapitulé les trois principales conclusions.

1/ Le jihad ne signifie pas la guerre

Le jihad est l’un des aspects les plus mal compris et les plus déformés de l’islam, souvent associé au massacre et au terrorisme. Or, une lecture attentive des textes montre que le jihad ne signifie pas forcément la guerre.

« Le plus grand jihad est un combat individuel vis-à-vis de soi-même pour s’ouvrir au monde et élargir ses connaissances », précisent les oulémas.

Autre notion déconstruite, le jihad dans son sens guerrier, qui ne peut être décrété que lorsque les musulmans se sentent attaqués. De la guerre de Badr (l’an 624 après J.C) à celle d’Al-Ahzab (627 ap J.C) en passant par celle d’Ouhoud (l’an 625 ap J.C), tous les combats menés par le prophète Mahomet étaient dictés par un impératif de défense et n’ont jamais visé des populations pacifistes, selon la Rabita.

Sa doctrine : Ne jamais commencer les hostilités, combattre seulement ceux qui combattent et œuvrer le plus possible pour la paix. « Et s’ils inclinent à la paix, inclines-toi vers celle-ci (prophète) et place ta confiance en Allah, car c’est Lui l’Audient, l’Omniscient », souligne le verset 61 de la sourate « Al Anfal ».

Pour justifier ses massacres, Daesh avance qu’elle est en guerre contre les mécréants (les non musulmans). « Argument fallacieux », selon les oulémas du Maroc car « il n’y a point de contrainte dans la religion ». Évoquant plusieurs versets coraniques, ils précisent que la clémence divine doit être privilégiée dans tous les cas et que tout appel à la guerre doit être décrété par « un calife » doté de sagesse et de clairvoyance. Ce qui fait défaut chez les émirs de Daesh et Boko Haram.

2/ Daesh est un État extrémiste et non islamique

Au moment de l’avènement de l’islam, la création « d’un État islamique » n’était pas l’objectif des musulmans. Ces derniers étaient plus préoccupés par la diffusion des valeurs de piété, de solidarité et d’unicité de Dieu. Certains chercheurs musulmans avaient, néanmoins, admis que la façon dont le prophète gérait les affaires de sa « Oumma » comportait « une forme d’État ».

Pour les oulémas du Maroc, la création d’un « État islamique » doit prendre en considération à la fois ce mode de gouvernance du prophète et les notions modernes de droits individuels : le droit à la vie, le droit à l’apprentissage, le droit à la différence, le droit à la sécurité, l’égalité devant la justice… « Un État qui coupe les têtes est un État extrémiste et non islamique », lit-on dans ces rapports.

Dans sa conception moderne, un État se définit aussi par sa politique internationale. « Or, une entité qui n’a d’autre stratégie que de semer la peur dans le monde, exacerber les haines et créer le chaos au nom de l’islam ne peut en aucun cas être considérée comme un État », lit-on dans les rapports de la Rabita.

3/ L’impôt imposé aux non musulmans est obsolète

Lorsque les daeshiens ont envahi des régions chrétiennes en Syrie et en Irak, ils ont décrété le retour de la « Jizya », un impôt individuel imposé dans les premiers temps de l’islam aux juifs et aux chrétiens en contrepartie de l’engagement des califes musulmans à les protéger. Ils étaient appelés « dhimmis », c’est-à-dire les protégés (en arabe, dhimma veut dire engagement ou lien contractuel).

Sauf que Daesh a fait de cette « Jizya » un outil de massacre et de torture, obligeant les populations ne pouvant pas la payer à se convertir de force à l’islam au risque de mourir. « Une tentative minable de légitimer par les textes une opération de vol organisé », affirme la Rabita. « Car le concept de la ‘Jizya’ est devenu complètement obsolète de nos jours. Nous vivons dans un monde d’égalité, de citoyenneté et de primauté du droit et il ne peut y avoir de différence entre un musulman et un non musulman ».

En outre, pour exiger cet impôt, il faut que l’entité qui le décrète assure une protection infaillible aux populations non musulmanes et les autorise à exercer librement leur culte. Ce qu’un État « terroriste » comme Daesh n’est pas en mesure d’assurer.

jeuneafrique.com


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MessageSujet: Re: Guerre contre le Terrorisme dans le Maghreb   Mer 4 Jan 2017 - 19:41

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MessageSujet: Re: Guerre contre le Terrorisme dans le Maghreb   Mer 1 Fév 2017 - 0:12

Terrorisme-cellule d'el Jadida: Le BCIJ poursuit de dangereux éléments algériens :

Citation :
Kiosque360. Selon le journal Al Massae dans son édition du mardi 31 janvier, les interrogatoires des membres de la cellule terroriste démantelée à El Jadida, qualifiée de "dangereuse" par le BCIJ, ont permis de découvrir une cellule dormante au Maroc.

Les membres de cette cellule terroriste dormante communiquaient avec des éléments à l’intérieur et à l’extérieur du pays, sur la base d’une stratégie étudiée, pour la contrebande d'armes qui provenaient de la Libye et transitaient à travers le territoire algérien avant d'arriver au Maroc.

L’enquête du BCIJ se poursuit à l’encontre de trois présumés coupables de nationalité algérienne. Ils sont suspectés d'entretenir des liens avec une personne interpellée dernièrement à Tanger par les éléments du BCIJ et de la DST et soupçonnée d'appartenir à l’organisation terroriste Daech.

Les personnes recherchées, de nationalité algérienne, se sont associées à des Marocains pour commettre des actes terroristes dans les lieux touristiques, des établissements hôteliers, des casernes militaires et des établissements diplomatiques, dans différentes villes du pays.

Les membres de cette cellule comptaient réitérer les actes commis durant les attentats du 16 mai 2003.

http://fr.le360.ma/politique/terrorisme-cellule-del-jadida-le-bcij-poursuit-de-dangereux-elements-algeriens-105939
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MessageSujet: Re: Guerre contre le Terrorisme dans le Maghreb   Sam 11 Fév 2017 - 21:15

En gros : L'occident a des choses à apprendre du modèle marocain de lutte anti-terroriste...
Les polzs sont une organisation terroriste...
Faites pas ch....er le Maroc avec vos histoires de droits de l'homme  clown

Citation :

The Age of Hyper-Terrorism and ‘Low Cost’ Terrorism


Michael Rubin

On February 13, 2016, while speaking at the Munich Security Conference, French Prime Minister Manuel Valls reflected on the terrorist attacks in Paris over the previous year. “We have entered…a new era characterized by the lasting presence of ‘hyper-terrorism,’ he declared, adding, “There will be attacks. Large-scale attacks. It’s a certainty. This hyper-terrorism is here to stay. The force of the ideological fascination is formidable, and if we have changed eras, it is because this hyper-terrorism is in the heart of our societies.”

Valls’ declaration was hyperbolical: After all, terrorism is hardly a new problem. It existed throughout the Cold War and before and it has been a fact of life in failed states and conflict zones ever since. What is new is both the technology terrorists have at their disposal and the ease of transportation which terrorists enjoy. It was, however, refreshing to hear the French premier note the “force of ideological fascination” because too often political leaders and diplomats—especially in Europe and the United States—de-emphasize the ideological components of terrorism in favor of addressing grievances. While the question of what motivates terrorism—ideology or grievance—need not be an either-or answer, it is disingenuous to dismiss ideology. After all, religious terrorism in Egypt predated the partition of Palestine and there appears to be no correlation between poverty and lack of education and terrorism. Quite the contrary: It is often wealthier countries and better-educated segments of society which breed terrorists.

But was Valls correct that hyper-terrorism is here to stay? The reason France and Belgium have been hit so hard is not because terrorism is inevitable, but rather because their counterterrorism has been ineffective. Acquiescence is counterproductive. France and Belgium, other European countries, and the United States could enhance their counterterror strategies by learning from Morocco’s experience.

Morocco suffered numerous terror attacks over the decades, both from Marxist groups like the Polisario Front   and more recently from Al Qaeda-inspired groups. In 2003 and 2007, terrorists struck in Casablanca, for example, and, in 2011, a terrorist bomb left in the Argana café here in Marrakech killed 17. In addition, several thousand Moroccans traveled to Syria or Iraq to join the Islamic State.

And yet, despite finding itself in one of the world’s most volatile regions, Morocco’s security improves even as the government preserves, and in many cases liberalizes, individual protections and respect for human rights, even if problems do remain Over the past 14 years, for example, Morocco has thwarted almost 350 attacks. Morocco succeeds with a holistic approach to counter-terrorism. With regard to religiously-motivated terrorism, the Moroccan government recognizes that they must engage Al Qaeda and the Islamic State in a battle of religious interpretation.. Here, the model provided by the Mourchidat program is important to emulate. Islam has a long, rich history and established theological record of interpretation. There is nothing un-Islamic or anti-religious about defending those who dedicate their life to the study of its theology against populists who might want to assume positions of leadership without having the humility or desire to learn. Morocco’s religious leadership helps countries like Mali, Tunisia, and even Egypt recover and shows that it is possible to counter, if not reverse, the radicalism promoted by countries like Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Iran, and now Turkey.

States that wish to counter terrorism successfully cannot shortchange hard power. Morocco’s security services do not handicap themselves unnecessarily with deference to political correctness when it comes to monitoring suspected radicals or radical organizations.    . To monitor those proselytizing radicalism and those attracted to them is not Islamophobic; rather, it protects Muslims. After all, the chief victims of radical Islamism are moderate Muslims. The Islamic State has killed more Muslims than Christians, Yezidis, and Jews. Likewise, while newspapers cover ‘green-on-blue’ violence in Afghanistan, often left unreported is the fact that the rate of ‘green-on-green’ attacks are three-times as high.

Intelligence is crucial. Mass immigration and dislocation means that passports and nationalities no longer coincide with ideologies or value systems. European passport holders can be just as much a threat to security as those holding citizenship in conflict-zone countries. Germany, for example, became a destination of choice beginning in the 1950s for Islamists fleeing secular dictatorships in Egypt, Syria, and Turkey. As a result, many of the umbrella organizations in Europe were founded by the Muslim Brotherhood and Milli Görüs, both of which discouraged assimilation into Western liberal society. European intelligence services and their American corollaries must understand that there cannot be any site frequented by radicals that is immune to monitoring. Western intelligence services must also realize Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated advocacy groups use Western sensitivity to accusations of discrimination and racism to keep radical organizations open. Intelligence and monitoring will become even more important as those who fought for the Islamic State seek to return to their countries of origin with skills acquired on the battlefield.

Border security is also important. There is a direct correlation between nationalities fighting with the Islamic State and nationalities which receive visa waivers or visas on demand in Istanbul’s airport. Hence, several thousand Moroccans and Tunisians, and hundreds of Russians and Frenchmen migrated to the Islamic State in Syria and Iraq, but only a few dozen Algerians even though history shows that Algerians are just as prone to radicalism. Had Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan been serious about countering the Islamic State and the Nusra Front (now known as Jabhat Fateh al-Sham), he would have insisted that anyone under the age of 40 years-old from nationalities contributing to the Islamic State apply for visas in advance.

Terrorism is a tactic. Countries sponsor it as part of their asymmetric warfare strategy and groups engage in it when its potential benefits outweigh its costs. But terrorism can also be risky. Every attack leaves behind forensic evidence which intelligence agencies can exploit. Holding terrorists accountable—killing them if need be—and ensuring their sponsors suffer economically and perhaps militarily for  proxy use raises the cost of terrorism and can temper its use. Good intelligence, meanwhile, can interdict those attacks which terrorists and their sponsors do plan. Confronting ideologies can de-legitimize them. Islamic history is full of such theological battles. The Khawarij challenged the Caliph Uthman and subsequently the Umayyads. Seljuq Muslims faced a terror campaign waged by the Nizari Ismailis. To simply suggest the inevitability of ideological fervor is malpractice.

Indeed, the chief problem in the fight against terrorism is not simply those that would murder in the name of religion, but rather the lack of seriousness with which European states are prepared to counter the challenge. Simply put, Europe has become the weak link. Recruitment for the Islamic State, for example, does not occur in the mosques of Meknes and Marrakech, but rather online from Molenbeek and Manchester. Too many Western officials still prefer to view terrorism as a criminal issue rather than a military matter and thus fear taking preventive action to shut down this channel of recruitment. Whereas many in Europe look at the Maghreb as posing a terror threat, the truth might be opposite: European refusal to curtail incitement and its moral equivalence with regard to ideology is increasingly endangering the Maghreb.

It is possible to counter hyper-terrorism. Indeed, it is nothing new. And, if terrorism is ‘low cost’ then the proper response is to raise the cost for those who would engage in it. European defeatism, however, has no place in the war against terror.

aei.org

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“Le monde ne sera pas détruit par ceux qui font le mal, mais par ceux qui les regardent sans rien faire.” Albert Einstein.
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