Commerce d'armement

Rappel du premier message :

De bonne ou de mauvaise qualité, les armes russes semblent quand même bien se vendre

Citation :

Nouveau record des exportations d'armements russes ( selon Vedomosti)
09/ 02/ 2009

MOSCOU, 9 février - RIA Novosti. Le volume des exportations d'armements russes en 2008 a battu un nouveau record grâce aux gros contrats de livraison d'avions, lit-on lundi dans le quotidien Vedomosti.
Le montant des exportations d'armements russes en 2008 s'est chiffré à 8 milliards de dollars, a indiqué une source au sein d'un département du gouvernement chargé de la coopération militaire et technique. Ce montant
a été également confirmé par une source à Rostekhnologuii.
En outre, la part des exportations de Rosoboronexport, monopole des livraisons de systèmes d'armement en Russie, s'est chiffrée à 6,725 milliards de dollars, estime l'interlocuteur du Kommersant. Le reste représente des fournitures de composantes ou des contrats signés avant l'octroi à Rosoboronexport du monopole des exportations de systèmes assemblés en 2007. Il s'agit des livraisons de missiles antichars et de systèmes de DCA du Bureau d'études de construction d'appareils de Toula, des fournitures à l'Inde des missiles BrahMos, conçus par une entreprise mixte comprenant le Groupement de recherche et de production de Reoutov, et d'autres systèmes.
Ce chiffre représente un nouveau record des exportations d'armements russes, fait remarquer Konstantin Makienko, expert du Centre d'analyse des stratégies et des technologies. Selon le Service fédéral de coopération militaire et technique, le volume des livraisons de 2007 a atteint 7,4 milliards de dollars (la part de Rosoboronexport se chiffrant à 6,1 milliards) et celui de 2006 est évalué à 6,46 milliards de dollars (dont 5,3 milliards ont représenté les contrats de Rosoboronexport).
La partie russe parvient à conserver de tels volumes importants tout d'abord grâce à la validité des gros contrats de livraison des chasseurs Su-30. Selon un responsable d'une entreprise aéronautique, on a fourni l'année dernière plus de 40 avions de ce type: de 8 à 10 Su-30 MKA en Algérie, 6 Su-30 MKM en Malaisie, près de 16 Su-30 MKI, compte tenu des équipements destinés à l'assemblage de ces appareils sous licence, en Inde, 8 Su-30 MK2V au Venezuela et 2 Su-30 MK2 en Indonésie.
Avec les armements, le montant de ces livraisons atteint 30% du volume total des exportations, fait remarquer une source au sein de l'industrie aéronautique.
Rosoboronexport et la Chine ont signé à la fin du janvier un nouveau contrat important de livraison de 122 moteurs pour les chasseurs chinois J-10 pour une somme de près de 500 millions de dollars, a annoncé un responsable d'une entreprise aéronautique russe.

Citation :

DCNS veut devenir le principal exportateur mondial de matériel naval militaire


Le site allemand Defence Professional a interrogé Xavier Itard, directeur de la ligne de produit sous-marins de DCNS. Malgré sa position dominante sur le marché français, les budgets en diminution et les développements stratégiques poussent DCNS à augmenter sa présence sur le marché international. Des contrats prestigieux remportés en Amérique du Sud et en Asie soulignent la capacité du groupe à identifier et répondre aux besoins des marines de ces pays.



Voici quelques extraits de cet entretien :

« DCNS est reconnu pour être le leader mondial dans le développement de solutions navales de pointe pour de nombreux pays. DCNS propose un large éventail de bâtiments différents, comme des sous-marins à propulsion classique et nucléaire, des porte-avions, des bâtiments amphibies, des frégates, des corvettes, des patrouilleurs, etc. »

« Le groupe ... veut améliorer d’ici 2020 sa performance globale et jouer un rôle de premier plan dans la consolidation de l’industrie navale de défense en Europe. DCNS augmente aussi ses positions dans le nucléaire civil et les énergies renouvelables marine. »

« De façon plus générale, DCNS a pour objectif de fournir des “solutions”. Nous travaillons en étroite collaboration avec nos clients et partenaires pour adapter nos solutions à leurs besoins. Nous n’adaptons, ou concevons, pas seulement un produit, mais tout un ensemble industriel. Comme pour nos récents contrats, nous fournissons des conceptions sur mesure, des transferts de technologie et de savoir-faire, des partenariats industriels et des formations (depuis les bâtiments jusqu’aux bases navales). Nous sommes toujours désireux de participer à des partenariats industriels et à investir dans l’industrie locale. »

Le contrat brésilien


« Généralement, un sous-marin reste en service de 30 à 35 ans, parfois plus. Notre activité connait donc des cycles longs, qui s’étendent sur plusieurs années. Le dernier contrat signé à ce jour l’a été avec la marine brésilienne. Il prévoit la construction de 4 sous-marins classiques dans le cadre d’un programme de transfert de technologies. Le contrat prévoit aussi que DCNS assiste le Brésil pour la conception de la partie non-nucléaire du premier sous-marin nucléaire brésilien, ainsi que pour la conception et la construction d’un chantier naval et d’une base navale destinés à ces sous-marins. La construction du 1er sous-marin Scorpène brésilien, de type Scorpène, a commencé en juillet dernier. »

« Nous avons des clients prestigieux dans le monde entier, ce qui démontre la compétitivité du groupe. Les solutions proposées par DCNS sont parfaitement adaptées au marché. Concernant nos objectifs et nos perspectives, tout ce que je peux dire, c’est que là où il y aura un besoin, DCNS sera présent pour proposer une solution adaptée. »

Coopération avec la Grande-Bretagne


« Notre coopération, par le passé, était principalement axée sur le porte-avions PA2. A ce jour, nous n’avons aucun projet de coopération sur les sous-marins. Mais coopérer avec un partenaire étranger est toujours une source d’amélioration et peut ouvrir la voie à des échanges techniques croisés. »

Axes de développement des sous-marins


« DCNS est un acteur unique sur le marché mondial puisqu’il est le seul à concevoir, construire et entretenir tous les types de sous-marins : SNLE, SNA et sous-marins classiques. La maîtrise de certaines technologies que nous utilisons sur nos SNA et SNLE (par exemple la discrétion acoustique) est utilisée dans les sous-marins classiques que nous proposons sur le marché export. »

« Des sous-marins discrets — pratiquement indétectables — avec des capacités de frappe et un haut niveau d’anticipation, sont utilisés aujourd’hui par les marines pour protéger leurs intérêts vitaux et défendre leur état. S’appuyant sur une siècle d’expérience comme concepteur et constructeur de tous types de sous-marins, DCNS fournit à ses clients internationaux des sous-marins classiques, capables d’accomplir un large éventail de missions, depuis le recueil de renseignements à la protection de côtes, de flottes et de routes commerciales. »

« Les sous-marins classiques proposés par DCNS utilisent les dernières technologies développées pour les sous-marins nucléaires de la marine nationale, en particulier en ce qui concerne le “sleek design” (interférences minimales avec les senseurs du sous-marin), manœuvrabilité, discrétion acoustique (toutes les sources de vibration sont isolées de la coque en utilisant des berceaux à double suspensions), automatisation et performance du système de combat. »

« La discrétion du Scorpène a été mise en lumière lors d’exercices internationaux. En juin 2007, la discrétion acoustique du Scorpène chilien a été démontrée lors d’un exercice impliquant quelques 20 bâtiments venant de plusieurs pays, comme l’Argentine, la France, la Grande-Bretagne et les Etats-Unis. Les sous-marins Scorpène chiliens n’ont pas été détectés de tout l’exercice. Ils n’ont été repérés que lorsqu’ils ont fait surface pour participer à la parade finale. »

« Pour la propulsion anaérobie, nous proposons d’équiper nos sous-marins du système MESMA (Module d’Energie Sous Marin Autonome). Le MESMA réunit dans la même section de coque :
un réservoir d’oxygène liquide fortement comprimé, sans aucun équipement électrique, câbles ou lubrifiants ;
un module vapeur (chambre de combustion, générateur de vapeur, turbine à vapeur, et condenseur) ;
un système de contrôle (entièrement intégré dans le système de gestion du sous-marin et télécommandé depuis le poste central). »

« Ce système est opérationnel en mer depuis 2008 et offre tous les avantages d’une solution technologique mature et robuste, ainsi qu’une performance intéressante. De plus, le cout sur le cycle de vie de ce système est très faible. »

« Équipé d’une section MESMA, un Scorpène pourra mener des missions prolongées avec une autonomie en plongée de plus de 3 semaines. La section AIP peut être installée dès la construction ou plus tard, lors d’un carénage.Tous les équipements MESMA sont équipés d’une double suspension pour un fonctionnement parfaitement silencieux et une résistance parfaite aux chocs, conformément aux exigences de l’environnement de la guerre sous-marine. »

« Les sous-marins de DCNS sont très flexibles, leur permettant de s’adapter précisément aux besoins du clients. »



Defence Professional

Citation :

Russian company returns prepayment to Iran for S-300



Rosoboronexport has turned out in a biggest financial loss over the last four years after returning a $167 million in prepayment to Iran for unfulfilled supply of S-300 air defense missile systems, Rosoboronexport Head Anatoliy Isaikin said in an interview with Kommersant Daily.


"The unrealized delivery of S-300 to Iran has been the largest financial loss for our company [since the beginning of his leadership in 2007]," Isaikin said. "We owed Tehran the prepayment of $167 million."


He noted that a commitment to return the prepayment enters in contracts with any country.


"According to a contract, a customer, in this case Iran, sends a prepayment to a Russian enterprise, which produce military products, and this prepayment is intended for launch of the production," Isaikin said.


"In its turn, Rosoboronexport gives a guarantee to return this prepayment in case of unforeseen circumstances. This refers to force majeure circumstances, such as the UN Security Council’s sanctions. It has happened. Therefore, we should return this amount and we have done it."


This is not a very big amount, however this is a loss for the company, he stressed.


The contract to supply Iran with the missile system was signed at the end of 2007. Russia was to supply five divisions' worth of S-300PMU-1 for $800 million. Russia canceled the contract to supply Tehran with S-300 systems because of UN sanctions against the Islamic Republic.


On Sept. 22, 2010, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev signed a decree banning the transfer of S-300 missiles, armored vehicles, combat aircrafts, helicopters and ships to Iran.


This is envisaged by a presidential decree on measures to implement UN Security Council resolution 1929, dated June 9, 2010.


On June 20, 2011, Isaikin allowed the possibility of resuming negotiations with Iran on the S-300 after lifting UN sanctions.


Early September, Iran has appealed to the International Court of Arbitration over Russia’s refusal to implement a contract for the supply of the S-300 systems to Iran.


(Source: Trend News Agency)

Citation :

Paris s'apprêterait à vendre des frégates à Athènes, Berlin proteste

LEMONDE.FR | 19.10.11 | 09h23

Les relations franco-allemandes vont-elles connaître une nouvelle période de tensions, à l'approche du sommet européen du 23 octobre ? Selon le Spiegel, la France veut vendre à la Grèce des frégates et proposerait au pays surendetté un tarif préférentiel et un délai de paiement.
Il s'agit de deux à quatre frégates furtives du groupe d'armement naval DCNS qui seraient vendues avec une remise de 100 millions d'euros si Athènes décide de les garder au bout de cinq ans. Dans le cas contraire, la Grèce devrait les rendre à la marine française.



Les concurrents allemands du constructeur français, qui ont tenté pendant des années de remporter ce contrat, critiquent cet accord. Dans un courrier au gouvernement allemand, un dirigeant du groupe ThyssenKrupp déplore que l'achat des frégates soit en partie financé par les contribuables allemands, car, selon lui, la Grèce, dépendante de l'aide du FMI et de l'UE, pourrait devoir restructurer sa dette.

Un abandon de certaines créances grecques semble de plus en plus probable. Si cela intervient et que la Grèce est sauvée par des fonds de secours européens, le scénario de Thyssen se réaliserait. Les contribuables allemands garantiraient une part des dépenses du gouvernement grec et, ainsi, paieraient pour une partie de l'achat des frégates.


"Pendant que les chantiers navals allemands n'ont pas de commandes, DCNS et les chantiers grecs sont subventionnés et maintenus en vie, probablement avec de l'argent allemand", soutient le dirigeant de ThyssenKrupp.

Un député allemand demande à la chancelière Angela Merkel de convaincre Nicolas Sarkozy d'abandonner ce contrat avec la Grèce, lors du prochain sommet européen.

Selon un document interne de Thyssen, le contrat pourrait aussi violer les règles européennes sur les subventions et les achats publics. Thyssen a refusé de faire un commentaire sur le sujet.

Le Monde.fr

PGM

Citation :

Exportations d'armement 2010 : la France conserve la 4e place

Mise à jour : 26/10/2011 17:35 - Auteur : La rédaction

A l'occasion de la présentation du rapport 2010 du Gouvernement au Parlement sur les exportations françaises d'armement, le porte-parole du ministère de la Défense et des Anciens combattants, le général Philippe Pontiès, et le porte-parole du ministère des Affaires étrangères et européennes, Bernard Valero, ont fait savoir que la France, avec 5,12 milliards d'euros, conserve le rang de quatrième exportateur d'armes.

La France est au quatrième rang des exportateurs mondiaux d'armement avec 5,12 milliards d’euros pour l’année 2010. L'annonce a été faite par le porte-parole du ministère de la Défense et des Anciens combattants, le général Philippe Pontiès, et le porte-parole du ministère des Affaires étrangères et européennes, Bernard Valero, lors d'une conférence de presse, au centre d'accueil de la presse étrangère, mercredi 26 octobre 2010 à Paris.

Ce résultat ressort du rapport au Parlement sur les exportations d'armement. Ce secteur est concurrentiel mais dominé par un petit nombre de pays. Sur la décennie 2001-2010, les États-Unis, le Royaume-Uni, la Russie, la France et Israël se sont partagés 90% du marché. Le porte-parole du ministère de la Défense et des Anciens combattants a souligné " [Que] dans un secteur marqué par la crise économique et financière, la France a su consolider sa dynamique d'exportation " . Pour rester dans ce « Top 5 », la France dispose d'atouts précieux, comme des produits de qualité reconnue sur l'ensemble des équipements de défense. Grâce à des investissements publics dans les programmes, la recherche et la formation, elle possède une autonomie industrielle et maitrise toutes les techniques de la chaine de conception de ses armements.

Les exportations, cruciales pour la survie du tissu industriel d’armement . Sur la période 2006-2010, le Moyen-Orient est la première destination pour les exportations avec 27%, suivi de près par l'Amérique latine qui atteint 25%, notamment grâce aux contrats conclus avec le Brésil. L'Asie représente 18% du marché, et les succès espérés avec l'Inde pourraient faire progresser ce chiffre dans les années à venir. Enfin le pourcentage de part de marché mondial de l'Europe est de 17%. Les principaux clients pour 2010 sont l'Arabie Saoudite, le Brésil, l'Inde et la Malaisie.

Dans un contexte de forte concurrence internationale, le soutien aux exportations est une priorité. La France veille également au respect de ses engagements internationaux, notamment en matière de transparence. " Nous sommes attentifs à une observation des textes internationaux auxquels nous avons souscris et pour la plupart de ces textes c'est la France qui est à l’initiative " a rappelé le porte-parole du ministère des Affaires étrangères et européennes. La France est un acteur important en faveur de la mise en place du traité international sur le commerce des armes en discussion à l'ONU. Ce traité prévoit la création d'un « instrument global et juridiquement contraignant », dont l'objectif principal sera d'amener les états à adopter des règles de comportement responsable, transparent et proportionné en matière de transferts d'armes conventionnelles.

defense.gouv.fr

Rapport
http://www.defense.gouv.fr/content/download/143252/1424667/file/Rapport%20au%20Parlement%20-%20Les%20exportations%20d%5C%27armement%20de%20la%20France%20en%202010.pdf

Citation :

Les zones d'ombres des exportations d'armes françaises vers l'Afrique

Le gouvernement français a présenté le 26 octobre son rapport annuel sur les exportations d’armes au Parlement. Mais celui-ci ne fait pas toute la lumière sur ses clients africains.

C’est avec des armes françaises neuves que les fidèles de Mouammar Kaddafi ont combattu l’insurrection : 88,4 millions d’euros de matériel militaire ont été livré l’année dernière à la Libye (un record avec ce pays depuis 5 ans), d’après un rapport au Parlement pour l’année 2010 publié le 26 octobre. Si Paris assure conditionner ses exportations d’armes au « respect des droits de l’homme » des acheteurs, la Jamahiriya n’était pas concernée par ce critère… « Dès le début des révolutions arabes, toutes les autorisations ont été gelées », affirme toutefois le général Philippe Pontiès, porte-parole du ministère de la Défense.

Dix contrats refusés

Loin devant la Libye, le Maroc reste le premier acheteur d’armes françaises du continent, avec des autorisations pour des contrats d’un montant de 354 millions d’euros.
L’Afrique du Sud (50 millions d’euros de contrats autorisés), l’Angola (25 millions) et la Mauritanie (18 millions d’euros), sont les principaux clients sub-sahariens. Nouakchott s’est également vu offrir des armes de guerre (comme la Centrafrique, le Congo-Brazzaville, le Gabon, le Mali et le Niger), mais Paris refuse d’en préciser la nature et la quantité.

Dix contrats signés avec des pays africains ont en revanche été refusés par le gouvernement. Mais celui-ci refuse de préciser de qui il s’agit. « Certains restent des partenaires, nous ne voulons pas les stigmatiser », explique-t-on à la Direction générale de l’armement.

http://www.jeuneafrique.com/Article/ARTJAWEB20111027181904/france-angola-maroc-nigerles-zones-d-ombres-des-exportations-d-armes-francaises-vers-l-afrique.html

Citation :

Some Chinese Missile Sales to Iran May Escape U.S. Sanctions Law


Oct. 27 (Bloomberg) -- U.S. sanctions don’t clearly prohibit China from selling to Iran short-range cruise missiles that might threaten Persian Gulf oil supplies, a congressionally created commission concludes in a draft report.

China, Iran’s largest arms supplier, has sold $312 million in weapons to Iran since 2006, mostly short-range anti-ship cruise missiles, according to the document.

“China’s provision of anti-ship cruise missiles to Iran could allow Iran to target, among other things, oil tankers transiting the Strait of Hormuz” on Iran’s south shore, according to the draft annual report by the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission.

An extended closure of the strait would remove about a quarter of the world’s oil from the market, it says.

The commission recommends that Congress consider clarifying and expanding sanctions to ensure that shorter-range missile sales are a violation of U.S. law.

The sales don’t violate the Iran, North Korea and Syria Nonproliferation Act of 2006, which seeks to prevent the transfer of longer-range missiles, the report said.

Other U.S. sanctions laws, such as the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability and Divestment Act of 2010, prohibit sales of “advanced conventional weapons” -- an “ambiguous” term that may or may not include short-range cruise missiles, the commision’s report said.

Closing the Strait

The primary missiles in Iran’s mobile arsenal are the C801 and C802, first imported from China in 1995, according to a 2009 report on Iran’s naval forces by the U.S. Office of Naval Intelligence.

Using those missiles, the report said, “Iran can target any point within the Strait of Hormuz and much of the Persian Gulf and Gulf of Oman.”

The Lebanese-based Hezbollah movement, which the U.S. considers a terrorist group, used a C802 missile to strike an Israeli navy ship in 2006.

“Iran could use the missile in the same way,” the report said.

Since Russia began curbing its arms sales to Iran in 2008, China has become Iran’s largest arms supplier, the U.S.-China commission said.

The commission also singled out China as “one of the few countries still willing to sell Iran refined petroleum products,” citing a Congressional Research Service report that China was providing about half of Iran’s gasoline imports as of 2010.

China ‘Opportunity’

“While the fear of U.S. sanctions has caused many businesses to limit or cease operations in Iran, Chinese firms have seen these sanctions as an opportunity for expansion,” the commission’s draft report says.

It said the U.S. government has failed to sanction any Chinese state-owned oil companies for selling gasoline to Iran, and called on Congress to investigate whether sanctions should be imposed.

While nearly 40 Chinese entities were sanctioned 74 times between 2002 and 2009, none were major Chinese oil companies, according to testimony provided to the commission by John Garver, professor of international relations at the Georgia Institute of Technology in Atlanta.

When asked about those figures at a commission hearing in April, Daniel Kritenbrink, then acting deputy assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs, said, “If we find instances of where Chinese firms have violated those obligations, I can assure you we’re going to look at that very carefully and engage with the Chinese very seriously.”

Five state-owned Chinese companies shipped gasoline to Iran in 2010, the commission said. ChinaOil, a subsidiary of China National Petroleum Corp., shipped 600,000 barrels of gasoline to Iran that are valued at $55 million, the report said.

businessweek

Citation :

L’Allemagne, un marchand de canons sans scrupules


La réputation des tanks germaniques n'est plus à faire / Khalid Mohammed/AP/SIPA

Par Frédéric Therin (Munich)

Les affaires sont les affaires. En Allemagne, les "bien-pensants" ne se privent pas de montrer du doigt les "pays du Club Med" au laxisme budgétaire chronique et aux endettements pharaoniques. Nos voisins ont pourtant gagné gros, très gros en vendant des canons et en graissant la patte à des intermédiaires peu scrupuleux pour remporter des contrats d’armement en… Grèce.

Alors que les ventes d'armes françaises sont en chute libre, enregistrant une baisse de 37% en 2010 pour un montant d'à peine plus de 5 milliard, l'Allemagne exporte les siennes à tout va. Rares sont ceux qui le savent, mais la République fédérale est aujourd’hui le troisième plus important vendeur d’armes au monde derrière les Etats-Unis et la Russie avec une part de marché de 11%. Ses exportations sur la période comprise entre 2005 et 2009 ont doublé par rapport aux cinq années précédentes, selon une enquête de l'Institut international de recherche pour la paix (Sipri).

La réputation des tanks allemands n’est plus à faire… Plus du quart de ses ventes à l’étranger concernent des véhicules blindés. Mais ses sous-marins sont aussi très populaires. Là aussi, l'Allemagne a prouvé dans le passé qu'elle savait construire des U-boat…

83 millions de dessous-de-table

La Grèce a ainsi signé un contrat d’un montant total de 3 milliards d’euros pour fabriquer sous licence quatre submersibles allemands. Cet accord montre d’ailleurs le manque de scrupules des marchands de la mort.

Selon le parquet de Munich qui a ouvert une enquête, le groupe basé à Essen, Ferrostaal et la filiale du géant ThyssenKrupp, HDW, aurait versé 83 millions d’euros de dessous-de-table pour remporter cet appel d’offre. Ce cas ne serait pas unique. Athènes avait, en effet, pris l’habitude de dépenser bon an, mal an, 3 à 4 milliards d’euros en achats d’armement.

De 2004 à 2008, près du tiers de ses commandes étaient passées à des entreprises allemandes. Après avoir fermé les yeux pendant des années, la justice grecque a enquêté sur plusieurs affaires impliquant des groupes allemands et elle a vite découvert que des paiements douteux avaient été effectués vers des paradis fiscaux comme Chypre, le Libéria ou l’Autriche.

L’hebdomadaire Spiegel a ainsi révélé qu’un intermédiaire grec aurait reçu 60 millions de dollars à Nevis et dans les îles vierges britanniques pour son travail de "consultant" auprès de Krauss-Maffei Wegmann (KMW) au moment même où la compagnie allemande décrochait à Athènes une commande de 170 tanks pour un montant proche de 1,7 milliard d’euros. Le rapport de cause à effet est vite fait…

La Grèce paiera

Berlin a aujourd’hui beau jeu de condamner la Grèce et ses dépenses mirobolantes. Mais ses dirigeants politiques se font beaucoup plus discrets quand il s’agit de préciser les noms des entreprises qui ont profité de cette "générosité"… Certaines voix commencent toutefois à s’élever contre ce système pour le moins opaque.

Si le porte-parole social-démocrate pour les questions de défense, Rainer Arnold, estime que la vente d’armes à des membres de l'OTAN n’a "rien de choquant", il souhaiterait que ces exportations soient davantage contrôlées. La chef de file des Verts, Claudia Roth, voudrait, pour sa part, que le Parlement ait un droit de regard sur la politique gouvernementale dans ce domaine.

Le chef adjoint de Die Linke, Jan van Aken, souhaiterait, lui, interdire purement et simplement les ventes d'armes à l’étranger. L’espoir fait vivre…

myEurop.info

Par ailleurs, pour ceux qui désirent consulter le dossier de presse ayant pour sujet le rapport au Parlement français sur les exportations d’armement de la France en 2010 c'est ici :
http://www.defense.gouv.fr/content/download/143624/1430910/file/Dossier%20presse_%20rapport%20au%20Parlement%20exportation%20armement%20France_2010.pdf

ca parle de Leo et illustre un Abrams

Comme quoi, il n'y a pas que la presse marocaine pour publier des bêtises concernant les sujets militaires

Yakuza a écrit:

ca parle de Leo et illustre un Abrams

L'Abrams est le cousin de l'allemand (Léo 2), il faut voir les choses d'une autre manière..

ca parle pas du MBT-70 Baybars,mais des tanks allemands
le lien de parenté s´est separé fin 70s

De toute façon, un professionnel qui illustre un article avec une photo qui ne correspond pas au sujet, est une bachibouzouk, voire un ectoplasme, pis une moule à gaufres, comme dirait le capitaine Haddock qui n'a rien d'un marin d'eau douce!

Je positionne ici cet article relatif à plusieurs pays du Golfe et aux différents rapports de force dans la région.
Cet article, tiré de Defpro est accommpagné du dernier Gulf Military Balance, fort interessant :

http://csis.org/files/publication/111102_Iran_Gulf_Military_Balance.pdf

Citation :

U.S. and Iranian Strategic Competition: The Gulf Military Balance

09:25 GMT, November 3, 2011 US competition with Iran has become the equivalent of a game of three-dimensional chess, but a game where each side can modify at least some of the rules with each move. It is also a game that has been going on for some three decades. It is clear that it is also a game that is unlikely to be ended by better dialog and mutual understanding, and that Iran’s version of “democracy” is unlikely to change the way it is played in the foreseeable future.

Iran’s foiled assassination plot against Saudi Arabia’s ambassador to the US, Adel al-Jubeir, raises questions about Iran’s judgment and which elements within the regime are in control of the country’s decision-making process. If successful, such an act could have led the country into diplomatic isolation or war. This lack of judgment on Iran’s part is especially worrying for the US, Israel, and Iran’s Arab neighbors, given the likely military dimension of Iran’s nuclear program and the country’s accelerated military competition with the US and its regional allies. As such, competition between the two states in the military/security field must be considered in the context of these recent events.

The Burke Chair at CSIS is preparing a detailed analysis of the history and character of this competition as part of a project supported by the Smith Richardson Foundation. This has led to the preparation of a new draft report entitled U.S. AND IRANIAN STRATEGIC COMPETITION: THE GULF MILITARY BALANCE which is now available on the CSIS website at:

http://goo.gl/Cb19n [PDF 4.87MB, 135 pages]

The most threatening form of US and Iranian competition takes place in the military and security arena. The US and Iran are military competitors in the Gulf, Indian Ocean, and Levant – and in steadily wider areas as Iran expands its ballistic missile capabilities. Military competition occurs in ways where each nation seeks to deny the other side military options, and seeks to establish or reinforce containment, deterrence, and limits on escalation. It is also a competition for military prestige and status, and which seeks to use military forces to influence the behavior of other states.

The historical background of this military competition tracks closely with the history of the political tensions between the US and Iran. Iran sees competition as driven by US efforts to dominate the Gulf and the region, by a period of US intervention in Iranian internal affairs that began in 1953, by US security assistance to the Pahlavi regime before the Shah’s fall, US support of Iraq during the Iran-Iraq War, the “tanker war” from 1987-1988, and US efforts to deny Iran imports of arms and military technology. Iran feels the US seeks to become the dominant power in the region while seeking to contain Iran’s power and influence.

The US sees Iran as a state that has been vehemently anti-American since the fall of the Shah and the founding of the Islamic Republic, which held US embassy employees hostage, threatens the region and exports terrorism, has exported aid and arms to insurgents in Iraq and Afghanistan, threatens Israel’s existence, is seeking nuclear-armed missiles, and is steadily building up asymmetric forces that threaten the stable flow of Gulf petroleum exports. It feels Iran seeks to become the dominant power in the region while seeking to expel US power and influence.

The end result is a competition that has now gone on for 32 years and which has occasionally led to direct action. Key events include the Iranian hostage crisis (1979-1981), US seizure of Iranian assets, the imposition of sanctions on Iran, and occasional military clashes (1988). The most prominent aspect of US-Iranian rivalry, though, has been the use of proxies.

The US has continued to provide its Gulf allies with advanced military equipment to counter Iran. Saudi Arabia has received billions of dollars of advanced equipment, including AH-64 Apache attack helicopters, M1 Abrams main battle tanks, and F-15S multirole fighters. Such systems are far more advanced than Iranian military technology, and serve to both limit Iran’s influence and provide a major deterrent to Iranian forces.

Throughout this period the US and Europe have refused to provide Iran with new arms sales as well as military technology, parts, and updates for the systems they sold during the time of the Shah. They have also put continuing pressure on Russia, China and other arms suppliers to limit the transfer of arms. The US and its allies also favored Iraq during the Iran-Iraq War, and the US provided substantial support to Iraq in the form of arms sales, intelligence, and technological assistance. The combination of such limits on Iran’s arms imports and its massive losses during the Iran-Iraq war have severely restricted the quality and modernization of Iran’s conventional forces, and forced Iran to both create a domestic arms industry and find alternatives to conventional military power.

The recent history of US and Iranian military competition reflects the fact that Iran has sought to bridge the gap in conventional capability by building a strong asymmetric warfare capacity. After suffering tactical defeats at the hands of superior US forces in the Gulf during Operation Praying Mantis (1988), Iran shifted its focus to developing a strong asymmetric capacity that focuses on the use of smart munitions, light attack craft, mines, swarm tactics, and missile barrages to counteract US naval power. While such assets cannot be used to achieve a decisive victory against US and other forces in a direct confrontation in the Gulf, they are difficult to counter and give Iran the ability to strike at larger conventional forces with little, if any warning.

Iran has also created robust nuclear and ballistic missile programs, which have become a focal point of US-Iranian military competition. Iran’s missile program dates to the 1980s, and was fully underway during the Iran-Iraq War. While Iran’s ballistic missile capabilities were initially limited, the range and sophistication of the country’s missiles has increased greatly since its inception in the early days of the Iran-Iraq War. Iran has now created conventionally armed ballistic missile forces that can strike at US allies and US bases in the region with little warning, and could be configured to carry nuclear warheads if Iran can develop them.

Although an Iranian nuclear program has existed in some form since the 1950s, Iran’s push to enrich uranium and reach a nuclear breakout capability began in earnest during the Iran-Iraq War, and accelerated in the early 2000s. In spite of sabotage, the assassination of some scientists, and international sanctions — Iran’s nuclear program has steadily progressed. Iran still maintains that its nuclear program is peaceful, but its lack of cooperation with the IAEA and a range of other indicators that it is developing the capability to produce nuclear weapons make such claims doubtful. It is possible that Iran may acquire deliverable nuclear weapons at some point in the next five years.

Military competition between the US and Iran will likely continue to intensify given the importance of the Gulf in global energy security, Iran’s goals of becoming a regional power, and socio-political instability in the Middle East. Despite US conventional superiority, Iran’s asymmetric strategy presents a unique challenge for US policy makers, as it hinges on bolstering and diversifying its unconventional, nuclear, and missile capabilities to undermine the US presence in the region. To compete with Iran most effectively, US decision-makers must carefully assess and address Iran’s asymmetric strategy, as well as its perception of military competition.

More broadly, Iran and the US will continue to compete militarily as long as the Strait of Hormuz remains strategically critical and Iran seeks to establish itself as a regional power. As Iran is constantly stepping up its efforts to challenge and undermine the US’ presence in the Middle East, the US cannot afford to be lax or dismissive in confronting Iran’s strategy. To effectively engage Iran, the US must put Iran’s perceptions of military competition, as well as its aforementioned conventional and asymmetric capabilities, in careful perspective, and continue to develop the means to counter Iran’s evolving assets throughout the region.



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By Alexander Wilner and Anthony Cordesman
Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS)

PGM

les never ending deals khaliji,et les potentiels annonces du prochain Dubai Air Show
on parle du splitt du deal UAE entre Rafale et...F16 Block60

Citation :

IN FOCUS: Middle East defence market keeps growing
By: Stephen Trimble Washington DC
6 hours ago
Source: flightglobal

A news conference by the elusive ministry of defence of the United Arab Emirates was announced unexpectedly on 18 November 2009. The Dubai air show was all but over, but now the MoD would meet with the press on the afternoon of 19 November.

Until that moment it had appeared the air show - the most important aerospace industry event in the Middle East every other year - was a bust in terms of achieving clarity on several major defence orders.

Entering the event, industry officials ­wondered if a flurry of contract signings and announcements would finally settle several of the UAE's biggest armament decisions. ­Question marks hovered over potential deals for Dassault Rafale fighters, Alenia Aermacchi M-346 Master jet trainers and either Boeing 737 airborne early warning and ­control (AEW&C) platforms or Northrop Grumman E-2D Hawkeyes.



The E-2D Advanced Hawkeye offers long-range AEW abilities

Fifteen minutes before the 19 November press conference was supposed to begin, a look around a room gave away the likely purpose of this event. Several executives of ­Alenia Aermacchi waited with a handful of ­reporters for the MoD representative to arrive.

Several minutes late, a uniformed UAE military officer entered, strode to the front and announced the press conference was ­cancelled - alas, there would be no answers for defence industry watchers at this Dubai air show.

It is now two years later, and remarkably the three biggest questions about the UAE's armament needs remain unanswered, along with another big-ticket mystery over the status of Saudi Arabia's acknowledged interest in acquiring another batch of 72 Boeing F-15E Strike Eagles.

Once again the Dubai air show is preceded by whispers of breakthroughs at bargaining tables, especially in regards to new fighters. But arms buyers in the Middle East have always proven fickle negotiators, and there are no guarantees for any company entering this event with hopes of a signed contract.

The lack of resolution on three of the UAE's biggest deals, however, does not mean the ­region's second-largest arms buyer behind Saudi Arabia has been idle. Indeed, the UAE has led the region's spending growth over the past decade. Military spending by the six-member Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC), which includes Saudi Arabia, the UAE, ­Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman and Qatar, has grown from about $49.6 billion in 2007 to $73.4 billion in 2011, including a $5 billion jump from 2010, according to market intelligence firm Forecast International.



Rafale prices have forced the UAE to consider alternatives

Growth is expected to continue among GCC members at a 14% annual rate through 2015, when total spending would rise to $82.5 ­billion, Forecast estimates.

This does not include heavy investment by other countries, particularly Iraq's rapidly rebuilding military force. Forecast estimates that Baghdad will invest $12.5 billion annually in force structure, nearly equaling the ­annual expenditure of the UAE or Israel.

The increased spending of the past decade has elevated the GCC from a region dependant upon allies for security. Nowhere is this more evident than the UAE, which committed ­Dassault Mirage 2000 and Lockheed F-16 fighters to coalition air operations over Libya.News photos also revealed that Libyan rebels operated the UAE-based Adcom Systems ­Yabhon-N - a target drone likely converted into a unmanned air vehicle to provide ­airborne ­surveillance.

Meanwhile, the UAE's biggest deals for fighters, trainers and command and control aircraft are still left to sign, but the MoD in Abu Dhabi has continued an aggressive ­modernisation programme since 2009.

The first contract was signed only a month after the show ended, when the UAE purchased 26 Sikorsky UH-60M Battlehawks on 30 December 2009. It also became the first customer for the AirTractor AT-802U, a light attack version of a popular crop duster.

EXPANDING FLEET

Six Viking Air Guardian 400s - a special ­variant of the DeHavilland DHC-6 Twin Otter - purchased by a UAE company will also be operated by the country's military, according to the Stockholm International Peace ­Research Institute (SIPRI).

Meanwhile, in June 2010 the UAE added two more Boeing C-17 Globemaster IIIs to its previous order from a year earlier, raising its total fleet to six aircraft. The C-17 purchase was not a replacement, but a major capability expansion for the UAE air force. Its six C-130H-30s are waiting to be replaced by Lockheed C-130J-30s. It should come as no surprise that so much activity on the ­acquisition front could overwhelm the bureaucracy of such a small air force. The service's total manpower requirement is about 4,000 members.

Riad Kahwaji, founder and chief executive officer of the Dubai-based Institute of Near East and Gulf Military Analysis, emphasises the limitations of such a small force. Major acquisition programmes consume thousands of labour hours for negotiations and processing, the lengthy process for completing the largest deals reflects this reality perhaps more than any difficulties at the bargaining table.

IMMINENT DEAL

But Kahwaji agrees with several recent press reports from Paris that a fighter deal is imminent. Unlike some reports predicting a Rafale-only deal, however, Kahwaji says he believes the situation is more complicated. The deal will likely be broken into two pieces, with the UAE air force acquiring both Rafales and more F-16 Block 60s. "The F-16 order is very possible," Kahwaji says. "I would not be surprised a bit."

The UAE already has almost 80 F-16 Block 60s, which feature the Northrop Grumman APG-80 agile beam radar and integrated forward-looking infrared sensor and targeting system. It was not expected to purchase ­additional F-16s, but the price of the Rafales has forced the UAE to consider alternatives to a sole-source buy from Dassault, Kahwaji says. The Block 60 variant of the F-16 is half the price of the Rafale bid, he adds.

Another major programme that could be decided in the near future is the UAE's future airborne early warning (AEW) platform. In 2009 the UAE postponed the decision, leading the air force to purchase two Saab 340 turboprops modified with the Saab Erieye radar as an interim solution.

Industry officials expected the Saab 340 system to serve as a training platform for the air force, allowing it to become more familiar with the AEW mission before committing to a final platform.

Northrop's E-2D Advanced Hawkeye is ­understood to have a slight advantage over the 737-based platform, which includes the Northrop multi-role electronically scanned array radar. An order from the UAE would be a huge coup for the E-2D. Boeing has managed to sell the 737 AEW&C platform to three ­customers - Australia, South Korea and Turkey - without the benefit of a US military customer, but the E-2D has been limited to a single domestic buyer, the US Navy, which has committed to buy 73 aircraft through 2022.

Less clear is the current status of the UAE's jet trainer order. The M-346 was selected in February 2009 to serve as a lead-in trainer, light attack fighter and aerobatic display aircraft. After the aborted press conference nine months later, the negotiations appeared to broaden to Alenia Aermacchi's competitors. Representatives of the Korea Aerospace ­Industries/Lockheed T-50 Golden Eagle confirmed the UAE had re-entered talks with other bidders for the 48-aircraft order.


Boeing is closing in on new AH-64D deals

The UAE's list of requirements for new and upgraded aircraft runs still longer, however. Boeing, for example, hopes to close a deal to replace the UAE's 12 Italian-made CH-47 ­Chinooks - which were acquired from Libya in 2003 - with more CH-47Fs. The company also is expected to complete deals for 60 ­AH-64D Apaches, including 30 remanufactured AH-64As and 30 new models. Another possibility for Boeing in the UAE is a possible order for the AH-6i scout helicopter.

Saudi Arabia's roughly $45 billion yearly military outlay represents the region's largest by roughly a factor of three. But even by the Kingdom's standards, the announcement on 20 October 2010 was breathtaking in scope and scale. The US Defense Security Co-operation Agency (DSCA) notified Congress of a possible weapons sale to the country ­amounting to more than $60 billion. The long-rumoured package, partly ­opposed by Israel, would include the ­acquisition of 84 new ­F-15Es and upgrades for 72 existing aircraft, plus 190 new helicopters, including 72 ­UH-60M Black Hawks, 70 ­AH-64D Apaches, 36 AH-6i Phoenix ­helicopters and 12 MD ­Helicopters MD-530Fs.

But the proposed sales are yet to be ­consummated, leaving industry watchers to speculate about plots of subterfuge.

In reality, the deals are likely at the end of a long queue of acquisition priorities for the Saudis, which start with fielding the last batch of 48 Eurofighter Typhoons from a 72-aircraft deal brokered via the UK government. But the interval has raised questions about Boeing's ability to sustain the F-15 production line in the absence of other commitments. The ­manufacturer is due to deliver the last F-15E currently on order the middle of 2012. To avoid a production break, Boeing may already be internally financing the production of long-lead parts for the expected Saudi order.

The deal would be a breakthrough in terms of adding new military capability to the ­region. The proposed F-15SA configuration includes the Raytheon APG-63(V)3 active electronically scanned array (AESA) radar.

The addition of an AESA sensor, as well as a package including the joint helmet-mounted cueing system and Enhanced Paveway III bombs, had been opposed by Israel, which seeks to maintain a qualitative military edge over an Arab regime with air bases located within a 10min flight at supersonic power of its biggest city.

OBAMA THUMBS-UP

The Obama administration, however, settled the debate with the DSCA announcement on 20 October, indicating its willingness to present the packaged deal to Congress for final approval.

If, however, negotiations with Saudi ­officials falter or break down, the US contractors face an eager set of rivals. The Eurofighter consortium still lists Saudi Arabia on its list of candidates for future Typhoon sales. Russian and European helicopter makers would also be pleased to step in if any of the helicopter deals fall apart.

Since 2009, the Saudi military's acquisition community has been unusually dormant in signing new deals. Only one contract is ­believed to have been signed.

Last October, Sweden announced the sale of a Saab 2000 AEW aircraft with an Erieye radar to an undisclosed customer. It has since been widely reported that Riyadh is the buyer. The Royal Saudi Air Force already operates the more capable Boeing E-3A airborne warning and control system aircraft, but the Saab 2000 will likely be transferred to or operated jointly with Pakistan. Such a transfer would make up for Pakistan's original order for six of the AEW platforms, which was reduced in 2007 to five aircraft.

But the biggest opportunity left unclaimed is a contract to replace a fleet of 30 ageing Lockheed C-130Hs. The candidates include the C-130J, the Airbus Military A400M and the Boeing C-17. Each are hoping for at least a share of the replacement order, with the ­Alenia Aeronautica C-27J and Airbus Military C-295 as low-end alternatives.

Elsewhere in the region, military ­acquisition programmes have largely been overtaken by the so-called "Arab Spring" - a series of bloody uprisings starting in Tunisia and spreading to Bahrain, Egypt and Syria.

Neighbouring governments may not have faced mass protests, but many were forced to scale back or defer weapons purchases to concentrate on popular demands for economic and political reforms. Iraq, for example, has recently completed a deal for 18 F-16C/Ds, but the signed deal represents only half of the originally planned order for 36, and it was delayed by several months as Iraqi authorities diverted funding to domestic welfare programmes. Iraq still remains the most active weapons buyer in the region outside of Saudi Arabia and the UAE. It has been quickly rebuilding what had been the Arab world's strongest air force. The currently envisioned force is still a relatively modest organisation, but is growing. Since 2009, Iraq has signed orders for 15 Hawker Beechcraft T-6A Texan IIs, 27 armed Bell Helicopter 407 light helicopters and six C-130J Hercules transports.

Around the other GCC nations, big opportunities still exist. Kuwait is considering the Boeing F/A-18E/F Super Hornet and the Rafale, with the same pairing also in competition in Qatar. Oman is reportedly considering a new round of F-16 or Typhoon purchases.

It may be too soon to expect to see much progress on major weapons contracts with the Arab Spring protests still erupting, but the backlog of unfulfilled contracts has never been longer, and there is little doubt another round of contract signings are imminent.

pauvres francais toujours du mal a vendre leur rafale

vympel27 a écrit:

pauvres francais toujours du mal a vendre leur rafale

c 'est dommage j aurais aime que les EAU achètent les rafale, c 'est dans l intérêt de la France grand allie du Maroc
de plus nous franco marocain de France sommes impacte par la situation économique générale

Citation :

Germany now major Mideast arms supplier


BEIRUT, Lebanon, Nov. 29 (UPI) -- The German government is under fire for its $2 billion sale of 270 Leopard 2 tanks to Saudi Arabia but the fact is that Germany is now a key arms supplier to the Middle East.

Its customers include Israel, which has ordered three more Dolphin class submarines from Howaldtswerke-Deutsche Werft AG, and Algeria, which in June was cleared for frigates, armored vehicles and border security systems that newsmagazine Der Spiegel says are worth $14 billion.

German opposition parties and critics within Chancellor Angela Merkel's center-right coalition, as well as peace and church groups, are up in arms over the secretive Saudi deal because it underlines a fundamental shift in Germany's long-restrictive export regulations.

"In her eagerness to support the German defense industry, Merkel is breaking with a traditional doctrine of German foreign policy," Der Spiegel reports.

"The fundamental principle used to be that weapons produced in Germany couldn't be delivered to countries engaged in a conflict.

"Now, the government is justifying its deals with strategic arguments, saying the government in Riyadh is needed as a stabilizing force in the Middle East," Der Spiegel noted.

The previous German government sanctioned arms sales to Saudi Arabia as well but these totaled around $400 million, chickenfeed compared to Berlin's current military exports to the Middle East.

"This latest tank deal overshadows everything that went before," Der Spiegel observed. "And no other administration has so blatantly taken on the role of sales representative for the German defense industry."

The Germans are battling hard for military contracts in the Middle East, where conflict has been a constant since World War II and the post-colonial period. These have long been dominated by the United States, Britain, France and Russia.

Critics of Berlin's strategy to protect Germany's arms industry, which employs some 80,000 people, say that selling arms to Saudi Arabia, a key U.S. ally, is morally abhorrent given its refusal to embrace democracy and its opposition to the uprisings of the Arab Spring that have toppled four dictators since January.

"It isn't right for us, as a Christian democratic party, to arm a country with an unjust government that's working against freedom movements in Arab countries," declared lawmaker Erich Fritz of Merkel's Christian Democratic Union.

But the government maintains that while the kingdom is a problematic partner, Saudi Arabia plays a key role in mediating the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and is a crucial ally in the battle against Islamic terrorism.

But most importantly, it says, Saudi Arabia is in the front line against Iran's expansionist ambitions and its drive for nuclear arms.

The argument is that once Tehran goes nuclear it could attack its Arab neighbors, which provide much of the world's oil, and possibly even Israel.

This, supporters of arms sale argue, is why the Jewish state didn't oppose the sale of the 270 Leopard 2A7+ tanks built by Munich's Krauss-Maffei Wegmann and Rheinmetall to Saudi Arabia.

The German government's annual Defense Exports Report, released in early November, said German arms exports grew by 50 percent in 2010.

The report said Germany exported arms and military equipment worth $2.66 billion, including big-ticket items such as submarines, warships and tanks. In 2009, the total was $1.79 billion.

In addition, the report noted, German armaments manufacturers like KMW, almost half of whose sales involve Leopard tanks; naval shipbuilders ThyssenKrupp; firearms-maker Heckler and Koch; and Cassidian, an offshoot of the giant EADS European aerospace consortium, sealed contracts in 2010 with a total value of $6.66 billion.

The European Aeronautic Defense and Space Co., which includes Germany's DaimlerChryslerAerospace AG, manufactures the Eurofighter Typhoon. The Saudis bought 72 in 2006 for $6 billion.

"Growth doesn't come from Europe anymore," explained Cassidian Chief Executive Officer Stefan Zoller.

Defense budgets in Europe are stagnating, he says, and now the biggest opportunities are to be had in the Middle East, along with India and Brazil, both with expanding economies and military forces.

Cassidian recently secured a $2.6 billion contract to build a security system along Saudi Arabia's 5,600 miles of land border as well as air and seaports, comprising radars, sensors, cameras and other electronic systems.

upi.com

Citation :

Hausse des exportations d'armes russes en 2011 (Rosoboronexport)


Les exportations d'armes russes se chiffreront à 9,7 milliards de dollars en 2011, ce qui représente une hausse d'un milliard de dollars par rapport à 2010, a déclaré mercredi à Langkawi (Malaisie) le directeur adjoint de l'agence russe d'exportation d'armements Rosoboronexport, Viktor Komardine.

"Le volume (des exportations) sera supérieur d'environ un milliard (de dollars) à celui de 2010", a indiqué M.Komardine devant les journalistes lors du salon de défense antiaérienne et antimissile Lima-2011.

M.Komardine a également rapporté que Rosoboronexport avait signé des contrats pour 9,5 milliards de dollars en 2010 et "pour un montant encore plus important" en 2011.

Au total, le portefeuille de commandes de Rosoboronexport serait de l'ordre de 36 milliards de dollars. Tous les ans, l'agence signe près de 1.500 contrats, a précisé M.Komardine.

RIA Novosti

..le triple pour les US

Fiscal Year 2011 Foreign Military Sales Exceed $30B
http://www.dsca.mil/PressReleases/by-date/2011/FMS_Sales_Exceed_30B.pdf

Citation :

Finland 'finds Patriot missiles' on China-bound ship

The Thor Liberty is docked in Kotka

The Finnish authorities have impounded an Isle of Man-flagged ship bound for China with undeclared missiles and explosives, officials say.

Police are questioning the crew of the MS Thor Liberty after what were described as 69 Patriot anti-missile missiles were found aboard.

Interior Minister Paivi Rasanen said the missiles were marked "fireworks".

The MS Thor Liberty had docked in the Finnish port of Kotka after leaving Germany last week.

Dock workers became suspicious after finding explosives poorly stored on open pallets, and the missiles were then found in containers marked "fireworks".

The managing director of the ship's owner, Thorco Shipping, expressed surprise. Thomas Mikkelsen told AFP news agency from Denmark that he was unaware of the matter.

Another company official, speaking on condition of anonymity, confirmed the ship had been detained in Finland and said the missiles could have been loaded on to the vessel by mistake, AFP adds.

Police did not confirm Finnish media reports that the ship had also been scheduled to stop in South Korea, Reuters news agency reports.
'Quite unusual'
The MS Thor Liberty left port in Emden, northern Germany, on 13 December and docked two days later in Kotka, southern Finland, to pick up a cargo of anchor chains, said Finnish Customs spokesman Petri Lounatmaa.
Patriot missile systems are supplied to US allies

It was bound for the Chinese port of Shanghai but there was no indication for whom the military cargo was destined.

Routine checks by Finland's traffic safety authority revealed a load of up to 160 tonnes of improperly packed nitroguanidine, a low-sensitivity explosive with a high detonation speed.

"Actually in our investigation at the moment, we have got the information that we found 69 Patriot missiles on the ship and around 160 tonnes of explosives," said Detective Superintendent Timo Virtanen from the Finnish National Bureau of Investigation.

Interior Minister Rasanen said she had not heard of a similar case.

"Of course, there are legal transports of weapons or defence material [through Finland] but in this case the cargo was marked as containing fireworks," she told Finnish media. "That is quite unusual."


Mr Lounatmaa said customs officials and police had launched a joint investigation into a possible breach of Finnish export and weapons trading laws.

He said that the crew of about 32 were being questioned.

Patriot missiles, designed by the US company Raytheon, are supplied to "US and allied forces", according to the company's website. South Korea is among states which deploy them.

bbc.co.uk

.....

Citation :

Seized Patriot missiles are legal shipment, Germany says

(CNN) -- A shipment of Patriot missiles that Finnish authorities found and seized was legal and authorized, the German government said Thursday.

A Germany Defense Ministry official said the missiles, found on board the Thor Liberty, were part of a German delivery for South Korea under a longstanding agreement.

This was to be the last such delivery, said Lt. Col. Holger Neumann.

Earlier,a customs official familiar with the case told CNN the shipment departed December 6 from the German port of Emden.

"The exporters had all necessary permissions, including an export authorization and a special authorization for the export of war weapons," the source said.

Finnish authorities said Wednesday they had impounded the 69 Patriot missiles and were investigating.

Police said they also found explosives and propelling charges aboard the British-flagged cargo ship at the port of Kotka, about 75 miles east of Helsinki.

Police said the shipment was headed for Shanghai, China, butNeumann and the customs official said the destination was South Korea.

The Patriot is a surface-to-air missile system manufactured by the U.S. company Raytheon and has been sold to various nations.

Finnish authorities found the defense materials during a customs search.

Authorities found 150 tons of explosives, Finland's National Bureau of Investigation said.

In a statement, the bureau said that on Wednesday evening, "customs apprehended two persons on a suspicion of an export offense" involving "defense supplies."

Defense forces were asked to assist in securing and guarding the materials, the bureau said.

cnn.com

Citation :

U.S. fighter sales soar in time for campaign

Booming Middle East purchases of U.S. fighter jets will be a bright spot in what is expected to be a sluggish economy in 2012, possibly paying dividends for President Barack Obama’s bid for a second term.

Beneficiaries include Lockheed Martin Corp and Boeing Co, whose respective F-16 and F-15 production lines are being extended by U.S. government sales to Iraq, Saudi Arabia and Oman, among other rich arms deals announced in recent weeks.

The foreign sales will help offset expected cuts in big-ticket purchases by the Defense Department, which is set to lose at least $450 billion in previously projected funding through 2021 as part of a deficit-reduction push. Additional cuts totaling another $500 billion to $600 billion over the same period are scheduled to kick in next year unless a new deficit-reduction plan is adopted by Congress.

The sales of fighters, missiles and other advanced U.S. weapons will help provide jobs as the United States heads into an election campaign expected to focus on the domestic economy. It has been growing at only half the pace needed to get the jobless rate down from 8.6 percent, a problem for Obama as the incumbent.

The Obama administration announced last week it had finalized a record $29.4 billion Boeing F-15 sale to Saudi Arabia, dwarfing previous individual U.S. arms deals and supporting jobs by increasing exports.

Deliveries of 84 of the most advanced F-15 fighters are expected to start in 2015 with upgrades to 70 others expected to start in 2014, the administration said. Congress had cleared the sale in the fall of 2010, setting the stage for the freshly completed negotiations on the government-to-government contract.

Josh Earnest, a White House spokesman, portrayed the deal as shoring up Saudi air defenses in a region rattled by Iran’s disputed nuclear program as well as supporting more than 50,000 U.S. jobs at a time of high unemployment.

The deal was signed December 24 and unveiled by the White House on Thursday in Hawaii, where Obama has been vacationing.

The program involves roughly 600 suppliers in 44 of the 50 U.S. states and give the economy a $3.5 billion annual boost, Assistant Secretary of State for Political-Military Affairs Andrew Shapiro told reporters at a State Department briefing.

“This will support jobs not only in the aerospace sector but also in our manufacturing base and support chain, which are all crucial for sustaining our national defense,” he said.

The deal is worth about three times more than any other single U.S. arms sale to date, according to a March 10 report on U.S.-Saudi ties by Christopher Blanchard of the nonpartisan Congressional Research Service.

It will extend Boeing’s F-15 production line about five years to late in this decade, Dennis Muilenburg, head of the company’s military, space and security business, said in a telephone interview with Reuters.

“Having that hot production line gives us the base to invest in technology advancements for that platform going forward, he said. “Obviously, that creates a lot of momentum for us on our international growth.”

F-16 NEW ORDERS

Workers on the F-16 fighter production line at Lockheed Martin’s Fort Worth, Texas plant also have received good news for their job prospects. The Defense Department awarded Lockheed a $600 million contract on December 14 to build 12 late-model F-16s for Oman, the second firm order in two weeks.

Lockheed received an $835 million Pentagon contract on December 5 to build 18 F-16C/Ds for Iraq. Only months earlier, the company, the Pentagon’s No. 1 supplier by sales, had warned it would have to start shutting down its supplier base by year end absent new F-16 orders.

On top of the contracts for Iraq and Oman, the Obama administration told the U.S. Congress on December 12 that it was proposing to sell Iraq another 18 F-16s, advanced munitions and related gear for an estimated $2.3 billion. Analysts have questioned whether adding U.S. arms into Iraq could heighten growing sectarian tensions there since the U.S. completed its troop withdrawal last month.

Fighter jets are not the only pricy arms deals, long in the works, to have been brought to a conclusion by the Obama administration as the president prepares to swing more into campaign mode. On Friday, the Defense Department said the United States had reached a $3.5 billion agreement to supply an advanced antimissile interception system to United Arab Emirates.

The U.S. Congress had been notified of the proposed sale of the Lockheed Martin system – known as Theater High Altitude Area Defense — in September 2008 by former President George W. Bush’s administration.

TAIWAN F-16 NO GO

Lockheed and its supporters had sought to play on the election calculus in pushing to meet Taiwan’s request, over China’s objections, for 66 new F-16C/Ds valued at more than $8 billion.

Pushing the sale in October, Rupert Hammond-Chambers, president of the U.S. Taiwan Business Council, a trade group that includes Lockheed, wrote that F-16 associated jobs “could have an important positive impact on local communities around the country – particularly in California, Connecticut, Florida, Maryland, Ohio, Texas and Utah,” possible electoral swing states.

But the Obama administration, apparently in an effort to placate Beijing, has been unwilling to meet that request. Instead, the president offered a $5.3 billion upgrade of Taiwan’s 145 existing F-16A/Bs.

F-16s played a role in a previous U.S. election. George H.W. Bush announced during the 1992 presidential campaign that he would sell Taiwan 150 of the A/B models. He signaled an intent to do so during a campaign rally at the General Dynamics Corp plant then producing them in Texas where jobs had been in danger.

aviationnews

Citation :

Finland Grants Transit Permit for Patriot Missiles


The Finnish government on Wednesday authorized the transport of 69 impounded Patriot missiles en route to South Korea from Germany on a British-registered cargo boat.

The M/S Thor Liberty, which arrived in Finland last month from Germany to load a shipment of anchor chains and paper machine parts for China, was held in port after authorities discovered the surface-to-air missiles and 160 tons of explosive picric acid.

Police impounded the cargo and launched an investigation after port handlers reported that the explosives, also headed for China, were inadequately packed and that the missiles did not have the required transit documents.

Government officials on Wednesday said they had studied the case and decided to grant the Korean Defense Acquisition Program Administration a re-export license. It has until the end of August to ship the missiles from Finland.

"There was no reason to delay anymore," Finnish Defense Minister Stefan Wallin said. "Everything is in order."

Earlier, the German Defense Ministry said the cargo of missiles was an official shipment that was fully declared and had all necessary clearings from German authorities.

Also, Finnish officials have said that the picric acid could be shipped once it is safely packed.

However, despite the government decision on Wednesday it was not clear when the boat would be able to sail pending the outcome of the police investigation. Police declined comment on the investigation.

abcnews.go.com

Citation :

Rosoboronexport proposing the newest Amur-1650 class submarine
for a Government of India’s tender

JSC Rosoboronexport is proposing the latest Amur-1650 class submarine for a Government of India’s tender for the purchase and licensed production of six non-nuclear submarines.

The Project 677 Lada non-nuclear submarine is a Russian version of the Amur-1650 project. The lead ship of Project 677, "Sankt Peterburg” by name, was commissioned by the Russian Navy in 2010.

JSC Rubin Central Design Bureau for Marine Engineering (St. Petersburg), the designer of the Amur-1650 class non-nuclear submarine, has already submitted a modified project meeting the customer requirements to India.

"Choosing the submarine, the customer always evaluates it in terms of combat effectiveness. In this regard, the Amur-1650 submarine project offers a significant advantage. Its powerful and balanced mix of weapons includes anti-ship missiles and the capability to launch them in salvo; it also can handle a task which is new for submarines - the destruction of ground targets with long-range cruise missiles. To date, such missiles are only available in Russia," said Igor V. Vilnit, deputy director general and chief engineer of JSC Rubin CDB ME.

Rubin CDB ME is currently completing testing of a bench prototype of a fundamentally new engine for non-nuclear submarines - the Air Independent Propulsion (AIP) system, which could be installed on Amur-1650 class submarines. The availability of the AIP system is one of the terms of the Government of India’s tender.

The Amur-1650 submarine features the following major advantages over its known counterparts:

- The capability to deliver salvo missile attacks from all torpedo tubes against surface and fixed ground targets;
- Longer target detection range in comparison with other existing sonar systems, due to the use of a unique sonar system;
- Reduced noise level.

"Viewing India as a strategic partner in the sphere of military-technical cooperation, Rosoboronexport is constantly increasing the level of confidence and is ready to transfer the latest technologies to it, thus contributing to the strengthening and development of its national military-industrial complex,” – said Anatoly P. Isaikin, Rosoboronexport General Director. – “The advanced Russian submarine design school is known around the world. For example, more than 900 submarines of different types, including more than 100 nuclear boats, have been built to Rubin CDB ME’s projects alone over 110 years. A wealth of experience in operating submarines in the toughest conditions that is unavailable to most manufacturer countries has been realized in them. The latest achievements and advanced technologies implemented in Russian nuclear submarines are used extensively in non-nuclear submarines, too", - stressed Isaikin.

.
Basic specifications of the Amur-1650 project:

surface displacement - 1765 m3
length - 66.8 m
pressure hull diameter - 7.1 m
maximumdepth - 300 m
maximumsubmerged speed - 19 knots
endurance - 45 days
crew - 35
number of 533mm torpedo tubes - 6
missile, torpedo, mine load - 18
http://roe.ru/news/pr_rel/pr_rel_eng/pr_eng_11_12_16.html

Citation :

Les exportations d'armes russes atteignent un montant record en 2011

Malgré la perte de marchés dans les pays arabes, et en particulier en Libye, la Russie vient de battre un nouveau record du montant des exportations d’équipements militaires. En 2011, la valeur des ventes russes a atteint 13,2 milliards de dollars conte 10,4 milliards de dollars en 2010. L'Inde est le principal récipiendaire de la Russie dans ce domaine, depuis 2006.

Les exportations d'armes et d'équipements militaires russes ont atteint un montant record estimé à 13,2 milliards de dollars en 2011, malgré la concurrence chinoise. La perte du marché libyen lui a valu 4 milliards de dollars de manque à gagner. Mais Moscou a su maintenir plusieurs contrats, notamment en Amérique latine, en Asie du Sud-Est et en Europe.

En 2010, la Russie avait vendu 10,4 milliards de dollars et prévoit de vendre pour 13,5 milliards de dollars en 2012.


L'Inde est le premier destinataire des armes russes (33% des exportations), suivi de la Chine (23%), l'Algérie et le Vietnam.

Les équipements russes les plus vendus concernent l'aéronautique.

Selon Isabelle Facon, spécialiste de la défense russe à la Fondation pour la recherche stratégique, ce succès commercial n’est pas dû à une particulière flexibilité de Moscou face aux difficultés dans le monde arabe, mais à une politique de longue haleine, qui assure à la Russie une hausse constante des exportations militaires.

La Russie ne représenterait que 3,6% des dépenses mondiales en armement contre 43% pour les États-Unis, 7,3% (estimation) pour la Chine, 3,7% pour le Royaume-Uni et 3,6% pour la France, selon le rapport 2011de l'Institut de recherche sur la paix de Stockholm.

RFI