Actualités nationales

Democracy is like romance: It thrives on uncertainty and dwindles on certitude. In democracy, as in romance, uncertainty generates excitement about the unknown, builds hope for the future and reinforces faith in our choices. Certitude creates dullness, breeds complacency and diminishes appreciation of who we are and what we have.

What happened in Egypt earlier this summer was neither democratic nor romantic. The premature end of the democratically elected Islamist government was a victory for certitude over uncertainty and a triumph of arranged marriage over pure romance.

My family and I recently returned home from a four-year sabbatical in North Africa. We were there when Ben Ali fled Tunisia, Mubarak fell in Egypt, Gaddafi died in Libya and Salih resigned in Yemen. We were witnesses to events we thought unfathomable. From our base in Rabat, Morocco, we felt the winds of change sweeping the region and lived through the gathering storm of limitless hope and powerful expectations. Whatever becomes of that Arab Spring now, what we witnessed then was real, palpable and measurable.

Shortly after the escape of former President Ben Ali from Tunisia in January 2011, Moroccan youth started filling up the squares of cities from Tangiers in the north to Laayoune in the deep south. Millions of Moroccans reserved their weekends to march for change and walk for reform.

In Rabat, the crowd often gathered outside of the House of Parliament, occupied all the surrounding streets and filled the royal capital with chants and songs. It was unlike anything ever seen in Morocco. Being a witness to the birth of the Arab Spring was exciting, inspiring and thrilling. It was romantic!

In spring 2011, King Mohammed VI of Morocco made a historic speech in which he declared the start of a comprehensive political process that would usher in a new constitution, make room for fair and free elections and ultimately shrink a few of the king’s own powers.

By January 2012, a new constitution was ratified by a popular referendum, Morocco’s first Islamist government was sworn in and the young king was sharing power with the Party for Justice and Development (PJD), a moderate Islamist organization — and once a fierce critic of the monarchy, its allies and its practices.

Some 20 month later, and against all odds, the Moroccan Arab Spring continues, and unlike Egypt, the Islamist’s shot at governing democratically is alive, if not too well. The country is facing seemingly insurmountable economic difficulties due primarily to the continued economic slump in the eurozone — Morocco’s first economic partner. The Islamists are facing rising foreign debt, high unemployment among the youth and college graduates and massive budget deficits.

To make matters worse, the ruling coalition’s junior partner, the conservative Independence Party, withdrew from the government in May and decided to join a robust opposition made up primarily of secular and historically pro-monarchy political parties.

In late July, the king accepted the collective resignation of five cabinet ministers belonging to the Independence Party, making the end of Morocco’s first Islamists-led government all but official. The PJD now has two choices: to seek out a new coalition partner or opt for an early general election. Morocco’s new democracy is indeed thriving in uncertainty.

So why is the Islamist democratic experiment still standing in Morocco?

First, the Moroccan Islamists have proven savvier and more sophisticated in their approach to governing and their management of historic transfers of powers. The PJD leadership reassured the public — repeatedly — that it had no social agenda, planned no cultural wars and that life as Moroccans knew it will not change.

Furthermore, the Islamists went out of their way to show respect and graciousness toward all the social groups that expressed concern about life under an Islamist government in Morocco: women’s groups, secular civil organizations, musicians, artists, the Moroccan Jewish community and even local atheists. This outreach strategy paid off for the PJD: The party won several by-elections and the recent polls gave it a job-approval rating higher than 68 percent.

Secondly, the PJD showed great deference and profound consideration in its dealings with King Mohammed VI, the head of state, the supreme head of the armed forces and the spiritual leader of nation. In matters of national security, military affairs, religious endowment and the selection of senior cadre running the country’s large public corporations, the Islamists ceded power to the king in lieu of trying to grab it.

The PJD’s failure to grab power from the king is, perhaps, the secret of its success in staying in power. When the Independence Party decided to leave the ruling coalition, it intended to embarrass the PJD and weaken the government by throwing the country into political paralysis.

The leadership of the Independence Party was certainly trying to open the door for the king to dismiss the Islamists from power. But when the king acted, it was to ask them to delay their decision to leave the coalition. The king was returning the favor by granting the PJD more time to consider its options and try to form a new government.

The Moroccan democratic experiment is far from perfect. But unlike Egypt, a democratically elected Islamist government is still in power. And unlike most countries in its region, Morocco is transitioning into a better tomorrow without violence and through the powers of the ballot box.

Much of the credit goes to King Mohammed VI, whose importance as guarantor of Morocco’s peaceful transition is primordial and whose commitment to democracy is undeniable.

American foreign policy in North Africa after the Arab Spring seems adrift and without anchor. The tragic Benghazi debacle, the demise of democracy and the escalating violence in Egypt and the recent political assassinations in Tunisia and Libya highlight the urgent need for new American initiatives in North Africa.

Washington considers Morocco a non-NATO strategic ally, but it does little to show it. As it quietly changed, reformed and improved the lives of its citizens, Morocco received little tangible help from Washington these past two years. Our interests require and our values demand we do our best to ensure Morocco remains on its course of reform and democratization. Uncertainty and chaos notwithstanding, a working democracy remains the only available option for Morocco to help itself — and to be of use to us and to others.

Ali O. Amar is a democracy and governance consultant based in Alexandria.