Le Royaume invité à adhérer au CCG

Rappel du premier message :

Je réclame mon puit de pétrole d'abord LOL

Citation :

Golfe: le CCG favorable à une adhésion de la Jordanie et du Maroc

RYAD - Les dirigeants du Conseil de coopération du Golfe (CCG), réunis mardi en sommet à Ryad, se sont déclarés favorables à une adhésion de la Jordanie et du Maroc à leur groupement régional, a annoncé à la presse le secrétaire général du CCG, Abdellatif Zayani.

Cette décision surprise a été annoncée au terme d'un sommet de concertation des six pays du CCG (Arabie saoudite, Bahreïn, Emirats arabes unis, Koweït, Oman et Qatar), axée sur les développements dans la région, notamment la tension avec l'Iran et la crise politique au Yémen.

La Jordanie est un pays voisin de l'Arabie saoudite alors que le Maroc, un pays d'Afrique du Nord, est situé géographiquement loin des membres du CCG.

La Jordanie et le Maroc sont des monarchies au même titre que les pays du CCG.


(©AFP / 10 mai 2011 20h15)

http://www.romandie.com/news/n/_Golfe_le_CCG_favorable_a_une_adhesion_de_la_Jordanie_et_du_Maroc_100520112005.asp

Citation :

Does Morocco Have a Place in the GCC?

Anouar Boukhars

In the face of the extraordinary revolutions of 2011, the conservative monarchies of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) have gone into self-preservation mode, bolstering their defensive capabilities, recalibrating their security alliances, and expanding their partnerships. The counter-revolutionary chieftain of the club, Saudi Arabia, has taken the lead in organizing a patterned response to what it perceives as a populist and doctrinal attack on the existing order.

It is in this context that the GCC opened its institutional doors to Jordan and Morocco, which happen to share the same religious identification and threat perception and had long sought the financial benefits that come with GCC membership. Reliable allies of the GCC, the Jordanian and Moroccan monarchies have stationed thousands of security officers in the Gulf for decades – partnerships that the GCC states see as critical in this time of upheavals. For their part, Jordan and Morocco need desperately to address the fiscal deficits generated by the recent expansion of state subsidies and significant increases in civil servant wages and pensions.

Morocco as a Gulf State?

In Morocco, the regime cautiously welcomed the invitation to join the club of the superrich in the Middle East, in contrast to the more enthusiastic welcome Jordan gave to the initiative. Morocco has always enjoyed privileged partnerships with most of the Gulf countries, but given its physical distance from the Gulf, cultural differences, and close ties with Europe, membership in the GCC was never seriously contemplated, at least not during the reign of King Mohammed VI. The young monarch does not have the close personal connections that his father had with Gulf leaders, nor has he maintained King Hassan’s active involvement in Arab causes.

Mohammed VI certainly wants his strategic relations with the GCC to deepen, however, in order to bolster Morocco’s regional political power and the geopolitical framing of its conflict with neighboring oil-rich Algeria. The latter has used its oil bonanza to step up its defense spending as well as its diplomatic offensive in order to shore up support for the Polisario separatists and their secessionist claims on the Moroccan-controlled Western Sahara.

In a tense climate of rivalry and mistrust, Morocco has been struggling to keep up with the Algerian military spending spree and maintain the precarious balance of power in the Maghreb. Deepening political and economic ties with the GCC will provide a major diplomatic, political, and economic boost. The Saudis are known to have helped finance several Moroccan military purchases, and further such assistance is needed. Morocco is also in need of an upgrade of Gulf countries’ financial investments in the Kingdom, as well as easier work permits for its legions of unemployed.

Despite the many advantages that a closer association with the GCC would bring to Morocco, the public reaction was one of bewilderment and derision. The timing of the initiative is suspect in the eyes of many Moroccans, who fear that Gulf monarchies are pressing the Moroccan monarch to scale back the reforms to which he committed in a March 9 televised address. Unlike previous promises, the king set out a clear timetable for enshrining the separation of powers, the independence of the judiciary, and parameters for decentralization in the constitution. He also allowed protests to proceed largely unhindered, freed political prisoners, and empowered the National Human Rights Council and the Competition Council with additional competencies.
These reforms were carefully considered to meet the most pressing demands of the protesters: to curb the King’s extensive legislative and executive powers and to tackle the major problems of corruption, lack of accountability, and impunity for senior officials. The King’s announced reforms will not transform the nature of monarchical powers, but they will pave the way for an evolution towards a better equilibrium between the King and the other branches of government. It is such evolution that the Saudis are said to fear, for if a peaceful democratic transition happens in the kingdom of Morocco, the event would be as seminal as the extraordinary revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt. The Moroccan monarchy would provide a powerful model that the monarchies of the Gulf might potentially be forced to follow.

Moroccans are also concerned that they might become entangled in another doctrinal war between Sunni Saudi Arabia and Shi’i Iran. The last thing that Morocco needs now is a replay of the 1980s, when Gulf money nurtured the development of the Salafi movement as a counterweight to revolutionary Shi’ism and political Islam. The Saudis have long tried to shape ideological debates within Islamist movements in ways that fit their own Salafi persuasions. It is this brand of Islamism that has been party to escalating tensions between Christians and Muslims in Egypt, as well as creating tension with other Islamist movements, whom Salafis press to renounce their steady evolution towards pragmatism, tolerance, and democracy.

Morocco’s membership in the GCC is still a proposal at this point and must be followed by several steps to become a reality. The gap between the Moroccan economy and those of its counterparts in the Gulf is wide. While the specific criteria for accession to the GCC in its charter are unclear, the economic mismatch between Morocco and Gulf States would require significant efforts and political will to achieve full economic integration and harmonization of rules and regulations in legislation, finance, customs, trade, and administration.

An enlarged GCC can potentially play an important and constructive role in helping to resolve Arab crises and has the means to help stabilize governments in transition. The challenge, however, is how to convince this kings’ club that it should support stable transitions and prevent it from becoming a reactionary bloc intent on defending the status quo and sabotaging the Arab desire for democracy.

Anouar Boukhars is assistant professor of international relations at McDaniel College, Westminster, Maryland, and a former visiting fellow at the Brookings Doha Center. He is the author of Politics in Morocco: Executive Monarchy and Enlightened Authoritarianism (Routledge 2010).

http://carnegieendowment.org

ibnbattuta a écrit:

Citation :

Does Morocco Have a Place in the GCC?

Morocco’s membership in the GCC is still a proposal at this point and must be followed by several steps to become a reality. The gap between the Moroccan economy and those of its counterparts in the Gulf is wide. While the specific criteria for accession to the GCC in its charter are unclear, the economic mismatch between Morocco and Gulf States would require significant efforts and political will to achieve full economic integration and harmonization of rules and regulations in legislation, finance, customs, trade, and administration.
http://carnegieendowment.org

J'éspére que par harmonisation on n'entend pas une régression des acquits marocains sur ses plans la ( rules and regulations in legislation, finance, customs, trade, and administration ) . Faut avouez qu'on est assez en avance sur eux à ce niveau la...

il doit y avoir aussi plus de place pour l'anglais dans notre pays.

Citation :

Home / Economy / Morocco, Jordan membership would test Gulf economies
Morocco, Jordan membership would test Gulf economies

By JOHN SFAKIANAKIS

Published: May 28, 2011 21:34 Updated: May 28, 2011 21:34

The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is considering extending membership of the six-nation political and economic grouping to Morocco and Jordan as a means of contending with the region's evolving political landscape. Moving forward with this proposal would most notably lead to the creation of a new axis of geo-political influence in the Middle East. The main impetus for the proposed inclusion of Morocco and Jordan is now mainly political in nature. We do not foresee any market impact in the coming months as a result of this debate. Yet the economic implications of integrating two oil-importing states into the energy-rich bloc would be immense and demand careful assessment as to whether economic harmonization can be achieved.

Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Qatar, Oman and Bahrain form the world's biggest oil-exporting region, and in addition to setting foreign policy objectives within the GCC, they are moving toward achieving mobility of labor, capital, and goods and services. It is unclear whether the GCC is considering full membership for one or both Jordan and Morocco, or whether it would create a new tier of membership focused on their mutual political and military interests. Although the timeline is not clear and the process of integrating Jordan and Morocco could take some time, an association agreement could be one way forward.

Neither Jordan nor Morocco holds substantial oil wealth, setting them apart from Gulf Arab states, which rely on oil exports for the majority of their public revenues. As net oil importers, Jordan and Morocco are more economically diversified and unlike their GCC counterparts, their governments face fiscal deficits this year, in a large part due to the rising cost of energy that has been a boon for Gulf Arab states. The two countries thus have a lot to gain from membership in the GCC, which would facilitate greater foreign direct investment, boost trade, commerce and labor mobilization. Agriculture, which accounts for around 16 percent of the country's GDP and employs around 42 percent of the working population, could offer additional opportunities for investment for the GCC in their search of agricultural investments abroad. Jordan's manufactured exports to the wider region, as well as beyond, could receive a boost from GCC investors. Investment in the tourism sector could also be set to gain in both Morocco and Jordan.

The potential inclusion of Jordan and Morocco into the GCC bloc is undoubtedly driven by a desire to strengthen the bloc's political presence and global influence, with the GCC benefiting from Jordan's security and military expertise, and building on its common political objectives with Morocco.

GCC foreign ministers have entered into negotiations with both countries regarding membership. It is our view that if full membership is to be extended, Jordan would be more likely than Morocco to receive it. Politics aside, geographical proximity which supports trade links with Saudi Arabia, pegged with the US dollar, smaller economy and demographics, could make Jordan a stronger candidate. In either case, the GCC should tread carefully to ensure economic harmonization, not only political advantages, are at the heart of negotiation efforts.



A $1.2 trillion economic bloc

Full integration of Jordan and Morocco into the GCC economic area would add 12.2 percent to the bloc's nominal GDP, based on 2010 data, bringing it solidly above the $1 trillion mark. It would be much easier for the GCC to absorb Jordan since its economy, worth $27.5 billion in 2010, is smaller than that of Oman and about a fifteenth of the size of Saudi Arabia's. Jordan, which shares a border with Saudi Arabia's northwest, is also a better geographic fit than Morocco, a Mediterranean coast state in North Africa.

Morocco's economy was valued at $103.5 billion in 2010, not far below Qatar and Kuwait, and its inclusion in the GCC would lead to a sizeable adjustment in the bloc's economic structure. Full integration of both countries would reduce Saudi Arabia's total GDP contribution to the GCC bloc to 36 percent from 42 percent, based on 2009 GDP data.

Real economic growth rates of the two countries were broadly in line with rates achieved by Gulf Arab states in the past two years, the exception being Qatar which has experienced double-digit economic growth as it builds natural gas capacity. Inflation rates are also on par among the eight countries, although pressure on consumer prices are steeper in Jordan and Saudi Arabia than other countries. Inflation in Jordan is likely to reach 6.1 percent this year, exceeding our forecast for Saudi Arabia of 5.6 percent. Common concerns about youth unemployment and job creation face many of the region's policymakers, particularly so for Jordan, Morocco and Saudi Arabia.

The timing and character of the inclusion of Morocco and Jordan is not known, the currency regimes adhered to by both varies. Jordan's currency is pegged to the US dollar whereas Morocco's currency is linked to a euro-denominated currency basket. Hence, monetary policy in the case of Jordan is mostly US-focused and euro zone based in the case of Morocco. It could be that by the time Morocco and Jordan become more fully aligned with the GCC the currency regime would have also evolved for the Gulf Arab states into a broad-based basket of currencies beyond the US dollar.



Fiscal differences

The differences between the current GCC bloc and the two potential new members exceed their similarities, however. This is particularly evident on the fiscal front. Jordan's budget deficit stood at $1.5 billion in 2010, or 5.4 percent of GDP including foreign grants, and is likely to widen this year; while Morocco also faces a growing deficit, particularly as investment flows and tourism in the region are hit this year due to the instability shaking a number of Arab states. Jordan's public debt stock stood at 62.7 percent of GDP in 2010. By contrast, most Gulf Arab states, bar Bahrain, have been posting solid budget surpluses, adding to their already rich foreign asset holdings.

Integrating Jordan and Morocco could in this respect upset some of the bloc's progress toward economic integration. Gulf Arab states have been working toward a common market - which includes freedom of movement for the labor force, capital, and goods and services. The GCC also has a longer-term objective of establishing a single currency, although that plan has been fraught with delays and hurdles, not least of which was the UAE's decision to pull out of the project in 2009. All GCC states maintain currency pegs to the USD, except for Kuwait, which pegs its KWD to a basket of currencies comprised mainly of USD. Jordan's JOD is also pegged to the USD, while Morocco pegs its MAD to a basket of key major currencies.

Current GCC states had fulfilled many of the preconditions for a currency union: They are mainly oil exporters, are very open to trade and imported labor, and have flexible labor markets. Their budget deficit and debt limit criteria are complementary, and they have already ratified a basic monetary union agreement and commenced operations of a monetary council which forms the backbone of the central bank.

Yet the monetary union has been derailed due to a lack of political will and introducing new players - with very different fiscal and monetary circumstances - could complicate the plan even more. The European Union sovereign debt crisis revealed the importance of centralizing both monetary and fiscal policy to avoid breaches of budget deficit and debt limits that could potentially destabilize the bloc.



Demographically speaking

One major question mark over the extension of full membership to the two countries is population. The population of the new GCC bloc including Jordan and Morocco would almost double in size, rising to 82.9 million as of the end of last year, compared with 45 million in the current GCC.

Gulf Arab countries have porous borders and nationals of the countries are able to travel within the bloc without visas. This has been possible due to the relatively small indigenous populations in most Gulf countries. Apart from Saudi Arabia, home to about 18.5 million Saudis, the national populations of most Gulf countries are quite small, in many cases just a fraction of the overall population size. In the UAE, for instance, it is estimated that less than one fifth of the 8.2 million population comprises Emirati nationals, while in Bahrain less than half the 1.2 million population is indigenous.

Extending unhindered travel rights to Jordanian and Moroccan citizens could be problematic, particularly for Saudi Arabia, which applies stringent rules for the issuance of visas for religious tourism to countries outside of the GCC. Jordan, with a population of 6.1 million last year, is more populous than Kuwait, Qatar, Oman and Bahrain. Morocco's population is substantially larger at 31.8 million in 2010 - 17 percent more than Saudi Arabia's population including expatriates. Around 2.5 million Moroccans, equivalent to 20 percent of the country's total labor force, find employment abroad, mostly in Europe. An estimated 600,000 Jordanians, mostly employed in the Gulf region, remit annually the equivalent of around 9 percent of the country's GDP.

With full inclusion of Morocco, Saudi Arabia's share of the GCC population would fall sharply from 60 percent now to 33 percent. Jordan and Morocco are both Sunni-majority monarchies whose citizens would likely be keen to take advantage of easier travel to Saudi Arabia's holy cities. Given the population dynamics, it may not be feasible for the GCC to extend full membership to Morocco in particular without setting conditions on the free movement of people.

Moroccans and Jordanians also earn comparatively less than Gulf Arab residents, which raises some considerations with regard to freedom of labor mobility. Per-capita GDP in Jordan was $4,499 in 2010, while in Morocco per capita income stood at $3,252 - both well below Saudi Arabia's per-capita GDP of $16,041, the lowest among GCC countries. It is foreseeable then that GCC membership would increase the ease with which Jordanian and Moroccan professionals seek work in GCC nations. If they seek lower wages than other Gulf citizens, this could exacerbate rather than help unemployment in the Gulf.



Trade and tourism ties

Closer economic ties would enable Morocco and Jordan to improve their trade balances with the Gulf Arab states, while providing greater diversification for imports into current bloc countries. At present, the trade balance largely favors the GCC. Jordan had a trade deficit of $2.6 billion last year, while Morocco's trade deficit was $1.6 billion.

One feature of the GCC bloc is a customs union, including a cap on tariffs of imported goods within the bloc of 5 percent - a benefit that could be extended to a new member. Gulf trade activity with Jordan is already buoyant. In 2010, the Gulf countries accounted for 24.2 percent of Jordan's imports, while 18.4 percent of its exports were destined for the six GCC states. The anticipated rail link between Jordan and Saudi Arabia would be a boost to trade with the rest of the GCC.

GCC trade ties are significantly less established with Morocco; only 4.9 percent of its imports in 2009 were sourced in the Gulf, while just 0.5 percent of its exports reached the six countries. Better ties with the Gulf would afford Morocco potential new markets for its agricultural goods.

The desert states of the Gulf rely heavily on food imports, particularly as they seek ways to improve food security and phase out production of water-intensive crops. Food exports accounted for 21.4 percent of Morocco's exports in 2009.

An alliance with the GCC might also enable Morocco to reduce its reliance on Europe, which accounts for some 60 percent of Morocco's imports and 70 percent of its exports in 2009. By comparison, the Gulf's share of Morocco's imports was only 4.9 percent and it received only 0.5 percent of its exports. Morocco's proximate relationship with the EU could provide an entry point to enhance GCC ties with Europe. Morocco, like Tunisia, is pro-cyclical with the economies of the EU. Moreover, Morocco's tariff regime with the EU would have to be looked at whilst being aligned with the GCC.

Tourism ties between Morocco and the Gulf are also trivial at the moment. A substantial 84 percent of tourists to Morocco in 2009 were from Europe, compared with only 2.7 percent from the Middle East, according to government data.

The situation is again very different in Jordan; visitors from Gulf Arab countries accounted for 28.2 percent of total tourist traffic in 2010, according to data of the Jordanian Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities. Saudi Arabia alone accounted for 16.2 percent of total Jordanian tourist visits last year.

These data show that it may be easier in the initial stages to integrate Jordan into the GCC than Morocco, and as such we expect and move forward in negotiations is likely include caveats to protect the interests of the Gulf Arab economies. There are a few obvious material benefits at could accrue at the moment for the GCC states. However, as the EU evidenced, political considerations can be more powerful determinants for the advancement of economic integration.



— John Sfakianakis is chief economist of BSF Crédit Agricole Group.

Citation :

L'adhésion du Maroc et de la Jordanie au CCG, une valeur ajoutée aux économies de ce groupement régional (journal bahreïni)


Dans un article intitulé "l'adhésion du Maroc et de la Jordanie réalisera la complémentarité et contribuera à la baisse des prix des biens", la publication, qui cite des experts, relève que cette adhésion contribuera à la baisse de certains produits importés notamment l'habillement, les produits alimentaires et d'ameublement ce qui favorisera la complémentarité économique.

Cette adhésion permettra aussi de doter la région de la main d'Œuvre nécessaire, de même que le volume des investissements des pays du Golfe au Maroc et en Jordanie connaîtra une hausse à la faveur du lancement de projets communs.

Les experts, cités par le journal, ont par ailleurs mis l'accent sur l'importance de l'unification tarifaire entre ces pays, qui favorisera les échanges commerciaux.

Face à la récession qui affecte l'économie européenne, le rapprochement entre le Maroc et les pays du CCG, exportateurs des capitaux, constitue un pas positif pour l'économie marocaine, relèvent ces experts.

Cette adhésion est une démarche politique qui a d'importantes dimensions économiques, étant donné qu'elle permettra d'augmenter de 118 milliards dollars le PIB des pays du Golfe pour atteindre 1,14 trillion dollars.

30/05/2011 19:30.

(MAP) Maghreb Arabe Presse

ps: Il serait peux être bon d'ouvrir un topic consacré au rapprochement du Maroc avec le CCG, qu'en pensez-vous?

[quote="ibnbattuta"]

Citation :

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ps: Il serait peux être bon d'ouvrir un topic consacré au rapprochement du Maroc avec le CCG, qu'en pensez-vous?

Ça va être une bonne idée vue le volume des informations sur ce sujet.
Attendant l'avis de l'administration.

dites merci a Fremo

thanks bro!!

Un point de vue simpliste qui a surement une part de vérité :

Pas bète le raisonement e notre Panarabiste..c'est d'ailleurs ce que je pensais, il n'y aura pas de libre circulation des personnes ( a ceux qui pensent au lhaj facile ) il y aura se ca se concretise une especè de bouclier sounite contre les iraniens pas plus et ca rime aussi avec le fait que les pays du golf ne veulent pas dependre de la protection des states etrenelement ni ils le peuvent soutenir financierement come avant, et pour ca je suis bien d'accord, un detachement de notre armèè deployè de maniere officielle serait aussi au menu.

gigg00 a écrit:

Pas bète le raisonement e notre Panarabiste..c'est d'ailleurs ce que je pensais, il n'y aura pas de libre circulation des personnes ( a ceux qui pensent au lhaj facile ) il y aura se ca se concretise une especè de bouclier sounite contre les iraniens pas plus et ca rime aussi avec le fait que les pays du golf ne veulent pas dependre de la protection des states etrenelement ni ils le peuvent soutenir financierement come avant, et pour ca je suis bien d'accord, un detachement de notre armèè deployè de maniere officielle serait aussi au menu.

Dans ce cas, il ne s'agit pas d'une adhésion mais plutôt d'un partenariat avancé avec alliance militaire. Car je vois mal un groupement d’États avec une monnaie unique et les frontières fermés.

ibnbattuta a écrit:

gigg00 a écrit:

Pas bète le raisonement e notre Panarabiste..c'est d'ailleurs ce que je pensais, il n'y aura pas de libre circulation des personnes ( a ceux qui pensent au lhaj facile ) il y aura se ca se concretise une especè de bouclier sounite contre les iraniens pas plus et ca rime aussi avec le fait que les pays du golf ne veulent pas dependre de la protection des states etrenelement ni ils le peuvent soutenir financierement come avant, et pour ca je suis bien d'accord, un detachement de notre armèè deployè de maniere officielle serait aussi au menu.

Dans ce cas, il ne s'agit pas d'une adhésion mais plutôt d'un partenariat avancé avec alliance militaire. Car je vois mal un groupement d’États avec une monnaie unique et les frontières fermés.

toutes les routes menerons a ameliorer la position strategique du maroc ainsi que booster son economie. donc integration ou alliance c'est kif kif pour moi car l important est de tirer le maroc vers le haut.

Ca travail dans les coulisse, et inchalah de bonne nouvelle

quand au maghreb, avec ce qui vient de se passer avec l algerie je tourne definitivement cette page,
bref zidiu el koudam

gigg00 a écrit:

Pas bète le raisonement e notre Panarabiste..c'est d'ailleurs ce que je pensais, il n'y aura pas de libre circulation des personnes ( a ceux qui pensent au lhaj facile ) il y aura se ca se concretise une especè de bouclier sounite contre les iraniens pas plus et ca rime aussi avec le fait que les pays du golf ne veulent pas dependre de la protection des states etrenelement ni ils le peuvent soutenir financierement come avant, et pour ca je suis bien d'accord, un detachement de notre armèè deployè de maniere officielle serait aussi au menu.

C'est ce qu'on appelle enfoncer une porte ouverte Mais qui d'entre nous, au forum seulement, a cru un instant que nous allions devenir un pays du CCG comme les six autres ? Nous ne sommes pas cons et nous n'avons besoin de personnes pour nous répéter des évidences. Il n'y a que les gens trop imbibés de culture panarabiste qui peuvent s'imaginer que le Maroc puisse devenir ou pas un pays du CCG. Un minimum de pragmatisme, une caractéristique de la plupart des membres de notre forum, fait comprendre qu'il s'agit d'un mariage de raison, ou chacun trouve son compte. Aucun d'entre nous ne s'est fait d'illusion à ce sujet.
Le problème de ce genre d'intervenants, que je connais personnellement, mais avec qui j'ai toujours évité d'échanger, c'est qu'ils lisent tous les évènements selon le prisme de leur idéologie.

les pays du Golfe ont vu comment les USA ont laissé tomber Moubarak , ils ne sont pas bêtes et ils ont compris qu'ils doivent développer des alliances complémentaires à celle des USA ..

le Maroc et la Jordanie sont des alliés et partenaires naturels pour eux et le deal est clair et net :

- soutien militaire contre soutien financier ...ces pays ont des moyens colossaux et qui vont augmenter dans le futur car ils seront parmi les rares pays à garder des colossales réserves d'hydrocarbures dans les 15 prochaines années

de l'autre côté, ils se savent menacer car leurs peuples ne veulent pas faire d'efforts et ils peuvent perdre leur puissance (virtuelle) à tout moment ...

tout autre considération est vaine ou sert simplement à brouiller les pistes

Exactement..et come l'a soulignè samy sur le pragmatisme de nos membres, vous pouvez aussi immaginer l'impact sur notre armèe parcequ' une alliance de defence de ce genre transformera radicalement cette derniere surtout l'armeè de terre pour ne pas parler des horizons qui s'ouvriront a nos services de renseigenements..mais il y'a un point que peu se sont soucier d'en parler: ISRAEL ..cet etat ne s'est pas prononcè jusqu'ici ( benediction ? ) encore moins ceux qu'hier nous acusait de certains liens etroites..a retenir aussi que pour creer une armèe homogene dans cette region il falait ausi un armement aussi homogne notament un pays qui a assez de libertè en matiere d'aprovisinement americain sans trop de restriction..etc..auraient t'il trouvè mieux que le maroc dans toute la sphere arabe ? je doute fort.

Quant aux declarations et manoeuvres des boulschevistes d'acotè assez deplacès ..un autre avec bien moins d'education que ce abd dda3if aurait une autre reponse que celle de " diouha fsou9 raskum = melez vous de ce qui vous regarde".

Citation :

UAE GDP expected to grow 3-3.5% in 2011, minister says

The UAE's gross domestic product is expected to grow between 3 to 3.5 percent this year, the country's economy minister said on Wednesday.

"[Growth] should be around 3 to 3.5 percent based on the first five months," Economy Minister Sultan bin Saeed Al Mansouri told reporters on the sidelines of an industry event in Abu Dhabi, capital of the UAE.

Asked about Jordan and Morocco entering the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), he said this would help stabilise the region.

"This is something we see as strategic within the region based on GCC countries' abilities from the financial and economic side," he added.

http://www.arabianbusiness.com/uae-gdp-expected-grow-3-3-5-in-2011-minister-says-403054.html

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Jordan, Morocco entering GCC would expand common market, UAE minister says

Abu Dhabi, June 1 (Petra) -- United Arab Emirates UAE Economy Minister Sultan bin Saeed Al Mansouri on Wednesday said that the Gulf Cooperation Council's (GCC) invitation to Jordan and Morocco would help expand the GCC common markets and benefit from human resources and financial capabilities available in the member states.

The minister was speaking on the sidelines of the 21st meeting of GCC ministers for planning and development in Abu Dhabi.

//Petra// AA ASH
1/6/2011 - 08:18:24 PM

http://www.petra.gov.jo/Public_News/Nws_NewsDetails.aspx?Site_Id=1&lang=2&NewsID=33543&CatID=13&Type=Home&GType=1

Citation :

The New Club of Arab Monarchies

The proposal to enlarge the Gulf Cooperation Council to Jordan and Morocco, made at a council summit meeting in Riyadh last month , marks a profound change in the nature of the organization as it reaches its 30th anniversary. This decision, which went practically unnoticed in the West, is all the more worthy of attention in that it is likely to usher in long-term changes in the region’s political scenario.

Initially set up to provide a safeguard against an Iranian military threat and to create regional economic integration in the Arabian peninsula, the Gulf Cooperation Council has moved away from its early agenda and now operates as a club for the Arab monarchies.

The council’s aim is simple: to defend by all means possible the region’s eight monarchic regimes. It fears that the fall of even a single monarchy could have irreversible consequences for all the rest, undermining the legitimacy of the reigning families and opening the gates to all those in the Arab world who are looking for more liberty, justice and equality. This is why the Gulf monarchies have intervened to quash the popular uprising in Bahrain.

Today, it is Jordan and Morocco that are seen as the weak links in this chain of interests. Both monarchies are highly in debt and face considerable social unrest. This is why the countries of the G.C.C. — Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Oman and Qatar — have extended a hand to Kings Abdullah II and Mohammed VI.

The council’s initiative is a clear sign of the panic sweeping the royal courts in the Gulf, particularly in Riyadh. The Saudi royal family has had to come to terms with the power of the Arab Spring, which has exceeded all expectations. The rise in popular discontent could reach dangerous levels in the Arabian peninsula if the Yemenites manage to oust President Ali Abdullah Saleh. The Saudi government is trying at all costs to prevent his fall — and also pledging its support to Syria’s president, Bashar al-Assad.

Another important consideration is the fact that the containment of Iran no longer seems to be a priority for the international community. The fall of Hosni Mubarak brought the curtain down on the alliance between Saudi Arabia and Egypt. The Egyptian generals now seem to be turning more toward Ankara and Tehran, snubbing Riyadh.

Moreover, the Obama administration is no longer perceived as giving its unconditional support to the Saudi regime. The way Washington left the autocratic regimes of Tunisia and Egypt to their fate frightens the princes of the Gulf states, who know that they do not enjoy great popular support among the Arab peoples. Though the Gulf monarchies account for only a tenth of the total Arab population, they hold half its wealth. By bringing Jordan and Morocco into the fold, members of the Gulf Cooperation Council hope to reinforce their strength both demographically (22 percent of the Arab population) and economically (58 percent of Arab G.D.P.).

Another advantage for Saudi Arabia is that it can count on the complete support of Jordan and Morocco within the council and thereby increase its political clout at the expense of its rival Qatar.

What are the potential advantages for Jordan and Morocco? Both monarchies stand to gain massive financial assistance and precious political support. In exchange, they will declare allegiance to the Gulf monarchies and undertake to uphold them in all circumstances, even to the point of having to send armed forces to maintain order and security in the Gulf. It is thus not inconceivable that Jordanian troops might intervene in Saudi Arabia to quell a popular uprising there. Finally, the kings of Jordan and of Morocco are likely to find that they have to limit the scope of the democratic reforms they are preparing to implement, so as not to offer the peoples of the Gulf states a worrying precedent.

All told, this enlargement — which also serves the interests of the Israeli government in that it reinforces the Jordanian monarchy and increases the isolation of the Palestinians — accentuates regional antagonisms. It marginalizes Yemen, isolates Iraq, and aggravates the frustration of Palestinians and other Arabs.

The initiative taken by the Gulf Cooperation Council is not necessarily consistent with the course that history is taking. Given that President Obama has spoken out firmly in support of the Middle East peace process and the move toward democratization in the Arab world, the council’s efforts could be the precursor to a political crisis between the United States and Saudi Arabia. If so, that would indeed prove to be a major revolution.

Pierre Razoux is a senior research adviser at the NATO Defense College.

http://www.nytimes.com/2011/06/02/opinion/02iht-edrazoux02.html

depuis le debut de cette affaire d'adhesion certains experts ne cessent de presenter cette argument de democratie,comme quoi toute adhesion bloquerait les processus de de reformes dans ces pays.etant des gens pragmatiques les dirigent du golf s'interesse en premier lieu a la perrenité de ces 2 regimes et a leur apport militaire et strategique.

Tout comme les accords avec UE ou les USA pas de liberté de circulation, on va dire que l'on signe des accords avec une grosse Banque, qui appliquera des prêt à Taux Zéro et quelques cadeaux en espéce sonnante et trébuchante

une banque qui a besoin de protection.apparament les iraniens veulent remettre ca au bahrain,il y a des appels a la manifestation ces derniers jours dans ce pays et selon alarabiya les iraniens vont organiser une grosse manifestaion devant l'ambassade du bahrain a teheran.

Je ne pense pas que nos FO iront matter une manifestation, par contre en cas de conflit nous seront directement convier à venir y participer, avec ou sens l'adhésion au GCC, se fut déjà le cas durant la 1er Guerre du Golf.

si ma memoire est bonne nos FO sont intervenues lors des emeutes en arabie saoudite durant le pelerinage en 1989 je pense.c'etait les iraniens derriere.

Moi je vois cet adhesion d'une maniere pragmatique pour le Maroc en tous cas.

l'OUA ne sert a rien en plus le polz y 'est membre (tres bon geste du Maroc de l'avoir quitté); l'UMA est un grand miroir rien d'autre; l'UE faut pas rever et si c'est pour se rabaisser ou se soumettre a ses lois en echange d'un accord quelconque c'est pas la peine.

En plus du CCG il restera toujours les USA comme allié/partenaire majeur du Maroc.

mox a écrit:

Je ne pense pas que nos FO iront matter une manifestation, par contre en cas de conflit nous seront directement convier à venir y participer, avec ou sens l'adhésion au GCC, se fut déjà le cas durant la 1er Guerre du Golf.

1 er guerre est du a une violation de territoire alors que la c'est un pb interne, seule une alliance permet une intervention des FO
C est pourquoi, les pays du golfe veulent une alliance pour se soutenir mutuellement, capitaliser les services et les moyens

oui comme quoi l'histoire se repete toujours,a une certaine epoque c etait les taifes d'andalousie qui nous appellaient a la rescousse maintenant au 21eme sicecle ce sont les taifas et emirats du golf qui le font.bref quand on est une Grande Nation on le reste toujours.