AFRIQUE - toutes l'actualités

http://www.jeuneafrique.com/400016/politique/tchad-idriss-deby-reporte-tenue-elections-legislatives-manque-de-moyens/ a écrit:

Tchad : Idriss Déby Itno reporte la tenue des élections législatives « par manque de moyens »

Le président tchadien Idriss Déby Itno a annoncé ce jeudi lors d'une conférence de presse le report des élections législatives à une date inconnue. Le chef d'Etat a justifié cette décision par un manque de moyens pour les organiser.

« Quand je dis que nous ne pouvons pas faire des législatives, c’est par manque des moyens. En période de vache maigre, on ne peut rien faire. Quand nous aurons des ressources, on pourra organiser des élections législatives », a-t-il précisé jeudi 02 février devant la presse.

Les élections législatives devaient se dérouler courant 2016 rappelle la FIDH. Aucune nouvelle date n’a été fixée. C’est donc le statu quo pour l’instant à l’Assemblée nationale, où le Mouvement patriotique du Salut (MPS), le parti du président Déby, occupe 133 des 188 sièges depuis les dernières législatives en février 2011.

Appel au dialogue avec l’opposition

De retour du sommet d’Addis Abeba où il a fait élire son ministre des Affaires étrangères, Moussa Faki Mahamat, à la tête de la commission de l’Union africaine (UA), Idriss Déby Into a lancé un appel au dialogue en direction de l’opposition.

« Qu’elle n’ait pas peur de dialoguer avec moi, je suis Tchadien comme eux », a-t-il insisté, ajoutant que « l’opposition doit cesser de cultiver la haine qui a pour conséquence la déchirure du pays. Le Tchad n’a pas besoin de cela ».

L’opposition, emmené par l’ancien ministre Saleh Kebzabo, a contesté la réélection d’Idriss Déby pour un cinquième mandat en avril dernier avec près de 60%. L’opposition n’a recueilli que 12, 80 % des voix. Une réélection dès le premier tour donc qui marquait néanmoins un recul de presque 30 points par rapport à la présidentielle de 2011 (88%).

« Boko Haram est terminé »

Idriss Déby Itno a également profité de cette conférence de presse pour témoigner de son optimisme sur l’issue de la lutte contre les terroristes de Boko Haram, très dans la région du Lac Tchad. Le Tchad est un allié majeur de l’Occident en Afrique sub-saharienne contre les jihadistes dans la région. « Boko Haram est terminé, dans le cas contraire il est très affaibli. En plus des efforts faits par notre armée, la force mixte (composée du Tchad, du Niger, Nigeria et du Cameroun) a réduit la capacité de nuisance de Boko Haram », a-t-il assuré, avant d’ajouter « nous parviendrons à endiguer totalement Boko Haram ».


Pour rappel, Idriss Déby Itno avait déjà déclaré que Boko Haram était « décapité » en août 2015. L’organisation jihadiste continue de semer la terreur dans le nord Cameroun et du Nigéria où elle a pris d’assaut un convoi sous escorte militaire, faisant au passage 15 morts.

Fox-One a écrit:

Alger doit normalement se retirer de L'UApar principes

marques a écrit:

Fox-One a écrit:

Alger doit normalement se retirer de L'UApar principes

moi je propose plutôt que le parlement algérien envoie un courrier au secrétaire général de l'UA pour lui demander que l'UA revienne sur sa décision

https://m.le360.ma/afrique/autres-pays/economie/2021/07/23/34966-le-burundi-exige-la-renegociation-et-suspend-les-contrats-des-societes-minieres a écrit:

Stinger a écrit:

marques a écrit:

Fox-One a écrit:

Alger doit normalement se retirer de L'UApar principes

moi je propose plutôt que le parlement algérien envoie un courrier au secrétaire général de l'UA pour lui demander que l'UA revienne sur sa décision

Et un autre à Jhon Biden

BOUBOU a écrit:

Nous assistons sur la scéne africaine d'un regain sans précédent de tentatives de renversement de gouvernement.
les Européens voient l'Afrique leur glisser des mains et sont prêt à tout pour s'agripper aux richesses du continent.

imaginez le nombre tentative d'assassinats et de coups d'Etats dirrigés et manqués par les occidentaux!!!!!

Les africains doivent s'unir plus que tout pour ne plus subir et enfin profiter de leurs potentiels. C'est ma8ntenant ou jamais.

marques a écrit:

Falcon16 a écrit:

https://www.google.com/amp/s/amp.lefigaro.fr/flash-actu/israel-obtient-le-statut-d-observateur-a-l-union-africaine-20210722

donc si je comprend bien, l'algérie assis à côté d’Israël à l'UA, çà veut dire que l'algérie reconnait Israël ?


Et pourquoi l'algérie n'a pas bloqué l'entrée d'Israel à l'UA en tant qu'observateur ???....

Dias63 a écrit:

BOUBOU a écrit:

Nous assistons sur la scéne africaine d'un regain sans précédent de tentatives de renversement de gouvernement.
les Européens voient l'Afrique leur glisser des mains et sont prêt à tout pour s'agripper aux richesses du continent.

imaginez le nombre tentative d'assassinats et de coups d'Etats dirrigés et manqués par les occidentaux!!!!!

Les africains doivent s'unir plus que tout pour ne plus subir et enfin profiter de leurs potentiels. C'est ma8ntenant ou jamais.

C'est clair qu'il se passe des choses bizarres, Mali Tchad, Niger etc..
Cette affaire Pegazus tombe à pic pour passer sous silence ce qui se passe..

youssef_ma73 a écrit:

@VANDENBERGHE_K-24
C'est un travail de fond des Israéliens qui date pas d'aujourd'hui. Il date précisément de 2014 et les tournées africaines de Libermann juste après l'obtention de la Palestine du statut  d'observateur en 2013.

Natanyahu avait déclaré à l'époque 'Idrael doit retrouver son statut d'observateur même si ça doit prendre dix ans...'
Les pays arabes s'y opposait et kaddafi arrivait toujours à 'acheter' le soutien de pas mal de pays maintenant qu'il est plus là ...
Sinon pour le côté procédure quand il y'a consensus pas besoin de vote ça se règle à Addiabeba sinon il faut la majorité des 2/3.

Citation :

Under German Eyes: Unwarranted Assumptions on the Maghreb’s Geo-Strategic Relations with Sub-Saharan Africa

Lahcen Haddad
6 - 8 minutes



July 24, 2021 11:30 a.m.



Tensions between Algeria and Morocco are high nowadays over Western Sahara, but only secondarily over Morocco’s Africa strategy.

Isabelle Werenfels, a senior fellow in the Middle East and Africa Division of the Berlin-based Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (the German Institute for International and Security Affairs) published recently a short “study” titled “Maghrebi Rivalries Over Sub‑Saharan Africa: Algeria and Tunisia Seeking to Keep Up with Morocco.” The supposed “study” is at best a white paper, not even a policy note, although some of its parts aspire to be so.

It has no references at all and lacks scholarly rigor, not showing in any way how it’s different assumptions are warranted by facts or publications or political statements. Nonetheless, it is worth considering it as it gives us a sense of how some German think tanks view the Maghreb’s relations with sub-Saharan countries, as these opinions most probably inform decision-making processes in Berlin, especially at a moment when Germany is aspiring to play an emergent role in geostrategic affairs.

The paper provides interesting comparisons between the sub-Saharan Africa policies of Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia, but it makes wildly unsubstantiated assumptions and therefore useless policy recommendations. It states that “Morocco is the Maghreb state with the most sophisticated sub-Sahara policy” but its “Sub-Sahara policy has heightened tensions with Algeria and awakened ambitions in Tunisia.”

Tensions between Morocco and Algeria were higher in the past when diplomatic relations were cut off and both armies confronted each other in Western Sahara in the late seventies of the 20th century. Tensions are high nowadays over Western Sahara but only secondarily over Morocco’s Africa strategy. It is true that Algiers is wary of Morocco’s successes in Africa, but its leaders seem to be confident Algeria could catch up any time soon, especially if oil prices go up, and if it could capitalize on its strategic alliances with South Africa, Nigeria, Ethiopia and Angola.

The policy recommendation of Isabelle Werenfelsis in this regard is as wild as the central thesis: “The European Union should treat these trends as an opportunity for African integration and triangular EU/Maghreb/Sub-Sahara cooperation. This could counteract Algeria’s feeling of growing irrelevance, strengthen Tunisia’s economy, put Morocco’s hegemonic ambitions in perspective, and thus mitigate the negative dynamics of the rivalry.”

The author does not provide any evidence for “Algeria’s feeling of growing irrelevance.”

Meanwhile, as one 2017 report put it, “From the statements of its political leaders, it seems that Algeria thinks it is at the heart of things African, both economically and politically. The feeling of irrelevance on the part of Algerians may be a good theory that could explain the ex-Minister of Foreign Affairs’ (Abdelkader Messahel) attacks on Morocco’s successes in Africa on October 20th, 2017.”

But the same Messahel stated at the same event (the Summer University Forum of Algerian Business Leaders) that Algeria is a story of incomparable economic successes in Africa. It would have been useful if Isabelle Werenfels was intellectually and academically generous enough to tell us how she did arrive at this conclusion, on what basis, what sources, documents or classified or declassified information.

The wildest of all assumptions is “Morocco’s hegemonic ambitions.” The author surreptitiously mentions “Morocco’s hegemony” in the introduction but never goes back to it in the body of the text to provide evidence. The supposed hegemony of Morocco is a recurrent theme in Algeria’s opposition to Morocco’s anti-colonial efforts in Western Sahara.

Because France cut a big chunk of Morocco’s Eastern Sahara region in 1955 and kept it under French control, hoping to stay in Algeria forever, Algeria is always scared that Morocco could start claiming back Eastern Sahara once it solidifies its sovereignty over Western Sahara. Hence its depiction of Morocco’s desire to complete its territorial integrity as expansionist or hegemonic.

The Spanish extreme right buys that theory as well, especially when Morocco claims that Ceuta and Melilla are Moroccan cities occupied by Spain since the 16th century. To translate Moroccan anti-colonial efforts as “hegemonic”, on the part of Isabelle Werenfels, smacks not only of proto-colonialism but of a perverted logic of reversing roles so that victims become bullies.

Because this is a recurrent Algerian accusation and when juxtaposed to Algeria’s alleged feeling of irrelevance (a non-scholarly touchy-feeling statement), it becomes clear that Isabelle Werenfels is sensitive to Algiers’ point of view. There is nothing wrong or sinful with being pro-Algerian or having a soft point for things Algerian (here is Isabelle Werenfels’s Twitter title banner: “Works on the #Maghreb @SWP_MEA. Has a very weak spot for #Algeria”).

Retweets are not necessarily endorsement, but academic norms and scholarly standards, both very well ingrained in a long German tradition of rigorous and objective research, should be observed when making claims of this nature, especially when we know that they could influence decision makers.

As I said above, in the absence of references and facts, the document is nothing but a working white paper not worthy of publication by a serious organization like the Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik. Some Moroccan newspapers called it, mockingly, “a call for Morocco to halt its African policy for Algeria to catch up with it.” I would call it “a desperate appeal from a pro-Algerian author to the EU to stop Morocco from outstripping its neighbors in its Africa policy.” A bizarre call, for sure. But what can’t you do for your soft spots, even when you are a scholar?

Citation :

À Madagascar, deux Français soupçonnés d’avoir préparé un coup d’État

Le gouvernement de Madagascar a annoncé avoir déjoué une tentative de coup d’État la semaine dernière. Plusieurs suspects ont été arrêtés, dont un militaire franco-malgache soupçonné d’être le cerveau d’un projet d’assassinat contre le président, Andry Rajoelina.

Citation :

Communiqué : The Imperative of Economic Recovery: How can the Resolution of the Sahara Issue Strengthen Africa’s Regional and Continental Integration?

News DeskJul 28, 2021


Share on linkeOn 27 July 2021, Imani Center for Policy and Education, a Ghanaian Think Tank held a seminar, in Accra, on the topic: “The Imperative of Economic Recovery: How can the Resolution of the Sahara Issue Strengthen Africa’s Regional and Continental Integration?”.

The event brought together several Ghanaian and West-African stakeholders including prominent policymakers, experts, academics, business leaders, think tank and civil society representatives from the Gambia, Ghana, Liberia, Nigeria and Senegal.

The seminar aimed to debate and discuss the African Union’s (AU) current challenges in an objective, scientific and dispassionate manner, in the context of a highly intellectual and fact-based exercise with credible experts and influential decision-makers.

Accra being the host of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement’s (AfCFTA) secretariat, the discussions focused on the challenges of regional and continental economic integration, with a special focus on the role of Regional Economic Communities.

The participants highlighted the urgency of such integration and called for the full implementation of the AfCFTA and its premunition from any deadlocks that hamper the continent’s integration ideal on the ground, as stated and backed by the AU.

The debate also focused on how political deadlocks, such as the Sahara issue, are, today, a major hindrance to Africa’s economic integration.

The participants highlighted the necessity of finding a realistic and definitive solution to this longstanding issue, which can only constitute a breakthrough in Africa’s regional and continental consolidation, especially in the current context, marked by the urgency induced by the pandemic’s economic and social repercussions.

Most of the participants considered the resolution of the Sahara issue a necessary step to enhance the continent’s economic integration, in view of its current dynamics marked by the exclusivity of the United Nations process and the pre-eminence of the Moroccan Autonomy Plan as a sincere, realistic, credible, and inclusive political solution.

In the current context, marked by the urgency of economic recovery – for the unity, the integration and the overall safety of the continent – the recent incident in Guerguerat demonstrates the need to overcome political deadlocks and unproductive ideological positions.

Extensively analysed by the participants, the three-week obstruction by Polisario-led campers of a vital and strategic road – connecting Europe, North Africa and Western Africa – put neighbouring countries, the region and the whole continent’s economic security at risk. It also highlighted the importance and weight of the cooperation between Morocco and West-African countries.

Furthermore, the participants examined the solutions available to the AU to rebalance its position on the issue, and fully play its neutral role in contributing to promote a lasting solution to a dispute that has been halting the AU’s functioning as well as the continent’s overall integration.

Recognizing the current dynamic around the Sahara issue, the participants highlighted that the United Nations Security Council process could be supported by Ghana’s contribution to reach a final and realistic solution, in light of its upcoming non-permanent membership in the Security Council.

Whilst economic integration represents an emergency and a major milestone in the consolidation and development of Africa, it would be jeopardized should the AU not rationalize its institutional architecture.

According to the debates, the consolidation of such architecture makes it imperative for the AU to complete its institutional reform and build its resilience against separatist and secessionist agendas, which are a real threat in numerous African countries.

The participants considered the admission into the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), then its maintenance by the AU, of a non-state entity, which has, since merely been a source of obstructions and division, as a striking example to this day. According to the participants, the AU should correct this “cumbersome legacy” and “historical miscarriage”.

Thus, the suspension, if not the expulsion, of the “SADR”, an armed group with no attributes of a sovereign State, must not be considered as a taboo or unattainable objective. Its fulfilment is not intent on being an exclusively Moroccan ambition but one that drives African States to put an end to superfluous divisions, and to stop the instrumentalization of an organization which is supposed to serve a Pan-African ideal and goal.

As one of Europe’s largest foreign policy think-tanks we highly value controversial debates on our fact-checked publications with a rigorous review process. We therefore regret fact-twisting portrayals, such as recently of one of our SWP-Comments https://t.co/Jxy70WbeuD

— SWP Berlin (@SWPBerlin) July 30, 2021

Fahed64 a écrit:

On parle bien du tweet de la fameuse note aus Deutschland Richtig ?

Shugan188 a écrit:

Fahed64 a écrit:

On parle bien du tweet de la fameuse note aus Deutschland Richtig ?

Le Tweet que j ai posté plus haut.